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"Smart Politics is by far the best Minnesota political blog.
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Dorothy H. and Edward C. Congdon
Professor of Political Science
Carleton College

Smart Politics is the blog of the Center for the Study of Politics and Governance at the University of Minnesota’s Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs. Smart Politics provides thoughtful, data-driven, non-partisan analysis of public policy and statewide and district elections for Upper Midwestern and national politics. Smart Politics is an on-line extension of the wide array of public events and programs convened by the Center to promote an informed and engaged citizenry. The Center also curates the largest on-line collection of Upper Midwestern public opinion and historical election results.

Sunday, November 8, 2009

Upper Midwestern U.S. House Delegation Votes 13-10 in Favor of Health Care Bill

Region Supported Amendment Banning Abortion Services from Bill by 12-11 Vote

The Upper Midwestern U.S. House delegation contributed 13 of the 220 votes Democrats received to pass a health care bill Saturnday night that will require every American to obtain health insurance.

Two regional Blue Dog Democrats defected from their party's leadership on the vote for the "Affordable Health Care for America Act" - Colin Peterson (MN-07) and Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (SD-AL) - while two Blue Dogs voted for the measure: Leonard Boswell (IA-03) and Earl Pomeroy (ND-AL).

Upper Midwestern Roll Call Vote on HR 3962: Affordable Health Care for America Act

Yes
Bruce Braley (IA-01)
David Loebsack (IA-02)
Leonard Boswell (IA-03)
Tim Walz (MN-01)
Betty McCollum (MN-04)
Keith Ellison (MN-05)
Jim Oberstar (MN-08)
Earl Pomeroy (ND-AL)
Tammy Baldwin (WI-02)
Ron Kind (WI-03)
Gwen Moore (WI-05)
David Obey (WI-07)
Steven Kagen (WI-08)

No
Tom Latham (IA-04)
Steve King (IA-05)
John Kline (MN-02)
Erik Paulsen (MN-03)
Michele Bachmann (MN-06)
Colin Peterson (MN-07)
Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (SD-AL)
Paul Ryan (WI-01)
Jim Sensennbrenner (WI-05)
Tom Petri (WI-06)

The bill, which also will expand the requirements of businesses to provide coverage to their workers, had been stalled earlier in the week due to objections by many conservative and anti-abortion Democrats who did not want abortion services covered by the new (government-administered) public insurance option the bill creates.

Instead, the abortion issue was dealt with as a separate amendment to the bill earlier in the evening. The amendment to ban the abortion services from the bill passed by a 240-194 margin, with 64 Democrats voting for the ban.

Regionally, 13 Upper Midwestern House members voted for the ban, with 12 voting against. Blue Dog Democrats Peterson and Pomeroy voted along with 176 Republicans for the ban as well as Jim Oberstar (MN-08) and David Obey (WI-07).

Stephanie Herseth Sandlin, who voted against the main bill, did not support the abortion services ban.

Upper Midwestern Roll Call Vote on Amendment to Ban Abortion Services from the Affordable Health Care for America Act

Yes
Tom Latham (IA-04)
Steve King (IA-05)
John Kline (MN-02)
Erik Paulsen (MN-03)
Michele Bachmann (MN-06)
Colin Peterson (MN-07)
Jim Oberstar (MN-08)
Earl Pomeroy (ND-AL)
Paul Ryan (WI-01)
Jim Sensennbrenner (WI-05)
Tom Petri (WI-06)
David Obey (WI-07)

No
Bruce Braley (IA-01)
David Loebsack (IA-02)
Leonard Boswell (IA-03)
Tim Walz (MN-01)
Betty McCollum (MN-04)
Keith Ellison (MN-05)
Stephanie Herseth Sandlin (SD-AL)
Tammy Baldwin (WI-02)
Ron Kind (WI-03)
Gwen Moore (WI-05)
Steven Kagen (WI-08)

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Thursday, November 5, 2009

Was Ranked Choice Voting a Success in Minneapolis?

Less than half utilized 2nd choice option in mayoral race; voter turnout down by 25,000+ from 2005

Although nearly two-thirds of Minneapolis voters approved the change to ranked choice voting in 2006, less than half actually utilized the option of ranking multiple candidates in the mayoral election Tuesday night.

Back in 2006, 64.9 percent of Minneapolis voters checked 'yes' to approve ranked choice voting, while 35.1 percent disapproved. However, 18.8 percent of all those who voted in the '06 election did not vote on this ballot question; as such, 52.7 percent of all Minneapolis residents who went to the polls in 2006 actively voted to support the measure.

Ranked choice voting is heralded by its proponents, such as FairVote Minnesota, for a variety of reasons such as increasing voter participation, eliminating "wasted" votes by its ability to redistribute votes cast for less popular candidates to more popular candidates, solving the "spoiler" problem, and giving voters more choices.

But in the top-of-the-ticket mayoral race in 2009, in which incumbent R.T. Rybak won 73.6 percent of the vote as ranked choice voting made its debut in Minnesota, only a minority of Minneapolis voters utilized their new right to rank multiple candidates on the ballot.

Overall, 45,117 voted for a first choice in the mayoral race. But only 48.8 percent of Minneapolis voters (22,032) opted to vote for a second choice, and just 34.4 percent (15,511) ranked three candidates.

The question as to whether or not more Minneapolis residents would have taken advantage of the ranked choice voting system in the mayoral race if Rybak had faced greater competition remains an open one.

As for voter turnout, the ranked choice voting system did not seem to energize the electorate on its face. There were 25,156 fewer Minneapolis residents who turned out to vote at the ballot box in 2009 compared to the 2005 general election, or a drop of 35.8 percent. In 2005, 70,273 voted in the Minneapolis mayoral race, for a turnout of 30 percent, compared to 45,117 voters in 2009.

Low voter turnout generally can be partially attributed to the lack of competition in the 2009 mayoral race, although Rybak's 25-point victory over Peter McLaughlin in 2005 was hardly a nail-biter of a race.

The question for those concerned about civic engagement is whether or not voter turnout would have been even lower (or, theoretically, higher) if ranked choice voting had not been implemented in this year's election.

Ranked choice voting advocates did score a major victory Tuesday night, however, as the measure was passed by a narrow majority of 52 percent of voters in the City of St. Paul.

Two Minneapolis City Council races did not produce a majority winner in the first choice column Tuesday evening, and will therefore trigger the ranked choice voting redistribution of votes of the lowest ranked candidate(s) until one candidate reaches a majority.

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Wednesday, November 4, 2009

Chris Coleman Posts Largest St. Paul Mayoral Victory in a Quarter Century

Despite GOP-endorsed mayoral candidate Eva Ng improving notably in the City of St. Paul Tuesday night vis-à-vis the performances of John McCain and Norm Coleman from a year ago, one-term incumbent Chris Coleman posted the strongest performance in a St. Paul mayoral race in nearly 25 years.

Coleman received 68.7 percent of the vote - one tenth of a percentage point higher than his 2005 victory when he unseated Randy Kelly.

This marks the largest percentage of the vote received by a St. Paul mayoral candidate since George Latimer won 84.3 percent of the vote in his final reelection victory in 1985.

Coleman's overwhelming victory occurred on a night in which Republicans gained significant ground in high profile statewide gubernatorial victories out east in New Jersey (+6 from 2005) and southeast in Virginia (+13).

Ng, however, did receive 30.8 percent of the vote among the Democratic-heavy St. Paul population. This marks a 37.5 percent improvement for the self-described "center right conservative" over the 2008 presidential vote in St. Paul received by Republican John McCain (22.4 percent) and a 21.3 percent improvement over the vote received by Norm Coleman in the Gopher State's 2008 US Senate race (25.4 percent).

The turnout in mayoral elections is, of course, much lower than in presidential or midterm election years.

Just 34,042 St. Paulites came out to vote in the mayoral race in 2009 - 42.5 percent less traffic at the ballot box compared to 2005, when 59,154 residents came out to vote as Coleman knocked Kelly out of office.

Ng's defeat means that Democrats will continue to control the mayor's office in St. Paul as they have done for 41 of the past 57 years since 1952 (Independent George J. Vavoulis, 1960-1966; Independent Charles P. McCarty, 1970-1974; Republican Norm Coleman, 1996-2002).

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Tuesday, November 3, 2009

Minnesota Twins 3rd Most "Efficient" Franchise in Major League Baseball in 2009

With a new (partially) taxpayer-funded stadium set to open for the 50th year of Minnesota Twins baseball next year, all eyes will be on the franchise to see what players they lock up to long-term contracts (e.g. Joe Mauer), what players they acquire via trades or the free agency, and overall how much money the Pohlad family is going to invest in a franchise with a talented roster, but one of the lowest payrolls in baseball.

The Twins franchise has been well-regarded by baseball analysts over the past decade for its low-payroll / high output business model that has been attributed to shrewd draft choices, a solid farm system, and crafty managing by Ron Gardenhire.

That model has produced one of the sleekest, most efficient franchises in baseball, which, according to a Smart Politics analysis, racked up the third most victories per dollar invested in player salary for the 2009 season.

The Twins scrapped their way into the playoffs with 87 victories this year, with the 7th lowest salary in baseball at $65.3 million.

At $750,566 per victory, that ranked third in baseball behind only the Florida Marlins (the Minnesota Twins of the National League) at just $423,379 per victory and the San Diego Padres at $583,123.

On the other side of the coin, the 2009 New York Mets franchise proved once again that simply spending lots of money on player personnel does not always translate into success. The Mets had the second highest salary in baseball, at $149.4 million, and also the highest dollars-per-victory ratio in the league, at $2.13 million per victory (or 2.8 times that of the Twins - who had 17 more victories).

Other ineffectual franchises with big payrolls this season include the Houston Astros at $1.39 million per victory (74 victories in 2009) and two division rivals of the Twins: the Cleveland Indians at $1.26 million per victory (65 victories) and the Chicago White Sox at $1.22 million per victory (and 79 victories).

However, the New York Yankees prove that if you spend enough money on a roster and lure in enough high profile free agents, success inevitably finds you (though this model did not pan out in 2008). In 2009, the Yankees spent a league high $201.4 million on its players. And while the team's $1.96 million dollars spent per victory was the second highest ratio in MLB, the team led baseball with 103 victories and is one game away from winning yet another World Series.

Dollars Spent on Players' Salary Per Victory Among Major League Baseball Franchises, 2009

Rank
Team
2009 payroll
Wins
Dollars per win
1
Florida Marlins
$36,834,000
87
$423,379
2
San Diego Padres
$43,734,200
75
$583,123
3
Minnesota Twins
$65,299,266
87
$750,566
4
Tampa Bay Devil Rays
$63,313,034
84
$753,727
5
Texas Rangers
$68,178,798
87
$783,664
6
Pittsburgh Pirates
$48,693,000
62
$785,371
7
Colorado Rockies
$75,201,000
92
$817,402
8
Oakland Athletics
$62,310,000
75
$830,800
9
St. Louis Cardinals
$77,605,109
91
$852,803
10
San Francisco Giants
$82,616,450
88
$938,823
11
Cincinnati Reds
$73,558,500
78
$943,058
12
Milwaukee Brewers
$80,182,502
80
$1,002,281
13
Washington Nationals
$60,328,000
59
$1,022,508
14
Baltimore Orioles
$67,101,666
64
$1,048,464
15
Arizona Diamondbacks
$73,516,666
70
$1,050,238
16
Los Angeles Dodgers
$100,414,592
95
$1,056,996
17
Toronto Blue Jags
$80,538,300
75
$1,073,844
18
Kansas City Royals
$70,519,333
65
$1,084,913
19
Atlanta Braves
$96,726,166
86
$1,124,723
20
Seattle Mariners
$98,904,166
85
$1,163,578
21
Los Angeles Angels
$113,709,000
97
$1,172,258
22
Philadelphia Phillies
$113,004,046
93
$1,215,097
23
Chicago White Sox
$96,068,500
79
$1,216,057
24
Cleveland Indians
$81,579,166
65
$1,255,064
25
Boston Red Sox
$121,745,999
95
$1,281,537
26
Detroit Tigers
$115,085,145
86
$1,338,199
27
Houston Astros
$102,996,414
74
$1,391,843
28
Chicago Cubs
$134,809,000
83
$1,624,205
29
New York Yankees
$201,449,189
103
$1,955,817
30
New York Mets
$149,373,987
70
$2,133,914
Note: The Minnesota Twins played (and won) an extra game (#163) at the end of the regular season. Without this victory the Twins would have been ranked #4 behind the Tampa Bay Devil Rays. Source: USA Today Salaries Databases; data compiled by Smart Politics.

The Twins #3 ranking above is up from its #4 most "efficient" team ranking in baseball in 2008 - despite spending more than $100,000 less per victory in the '08 season ($646,562). The Florida Marlins again set the pace by spending just $259,661 per victory en route to an 84 win season in 2008.

This signals one warning sign for the Twins, however, as they debate how much more money to spend on its players in the new era of the franchise at Target Field.

The Twins spent 16.0 percent more per victory in 2009 compared to the previous season, which was the 10th highest increase in baseball. The Twins ended up with one less victory in 2009, despite an increase in salary of $8.4 million.

With taxpayers expecting a higher payroll bankrolled by the Pohlads in 2010 and a higher victory tally for the team, the lingering question for the franchise is at what point does the law of diminishing returns begin to kick in, even for a team renowned for its smart investment in talent?

Other low-salary highly efficient teams such as the Tampa Bay Devil Rays (+66.8) and the Florida Marlins (+63.1) experienced the greatest proportional increases in cost per victory from 2008 to 2009.

Percentage Change in Cost Per Victory Among Major League Baseball Franchises, 2008-2009

Rank
Team
2008
2009
% Change
1
San Diego Padres
$1,169,486
$583,123
-50.1
2
Seattle Mariners
$1,928,959
$1,163,578
-39.7
3
Detroit Tigers
$1,860,611
$1,338,199
-28.1
4
St. Louis Cardinals
$1,158,424
$852,803
-26.4
5
Los Angeles Dodgers
$1,411,768
$1,056,996
-25.1
6
Atlanta Braves
$1,421,746
$1,124,723
-20.9
7
New York Yankees
$2,349,231
$1,955,817
-16.7
8
Colorado Rockies
$927,777
$817,402
-11.9
9
San Francisco Giants
$1,063,813
$938,823
-11.7
10
Chicago White Sox
$1,361,678
$1,216,057
-10.7
11
Boston Red Sox
$1,404,106
$1,281,537
-8.7
12
Texas Rangers
$857,118
$783,664
-8.6
13
Cincinnati Reds
$1,001,590
$943,058
-5.8
14
Toronto Blue Jags
$1,137,138
$1,073,844
-5.6
15
Los Angeles Angels
$1,192,163
$1,172,258
-1.7
16
Baltimore Orioles
$988,180
$1,048,464
+6.1
17
Pittsburgh Pirates
$726,713
$785,371
+8.1
18
Washington Nationals
$931,542
$1,022,508
+9.8
19
Milwaukee Brewers
$899,306
$1,002,281
+11.5
20
Philadelphia Phillies
$1,068,151
$1,215,097
+13.8
21
Minnesota Twins
$646,963
$750,566
+16.0
22
Cleveland Indians
$974,939
$1,255,064
+28.7
23
Oakland Athletics
$639,562
$830,800
+29.9
24
Arizona Diamondbacks
$807,350
$1,050,238
+30.1
25
Chicago Cubs
$1,220,060
$1,624,205
+33.1
26
Houston Astros
$1,034,075
$1,391,843
+34.6
27
New York Mets
$1,548,240
$2,133,914
+37.8
28
Kansas City Royals
$776,607
$1,084,913
+39.7
29
Florida Marlins
$259,661
$423,379
+63.1
30
Tampa Bay Devil Rays
$451,759
$753,727
+66.8
Source: USA Today Salaries Databases; data compiled by Smart Politics.

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Monday, November 2, 2009

What Do the New Jersey and Virginia Gubernatorial Elections Mean? (And Are They Predictors of Midterms?)

With the latest polls indicating Democrats may be headed for a double digit loss in the open Virginia gubernatorial contest as well as a fight for their life to hold onto New Jersey's gubernatorial seat, Republican strategists are touting Tuesday's two highest profile races as both a referendum on President Barack Obama's policies as well as a sign of what's to come in the 2010 midterms - particularly in the U.S. House.

But is this necessarily so? What do the elections in New Jersey and Virginia mean outside of these respective states? And how does the popularity of newly elected presidents seem to impact these races?

A Smart Politics analysis of historical election returns in the Garden and Old Dominion States finds that the two states have voted in tandum during the last five gubernatorial elections dating back to 1989 - and always electing the party which is not in control of the White House.

This is not good news for Democratic New Jersey Governor Jon Corzine, who is fighting tooth-and-nail with Republican Chris Christie with independent Chris Daggett in the low double-digits.

Democrats swept the 1989, 2001, and 2005 elections in these two states - and were able to do so both when Republican Presidents were popular (George H.W. Bush at 57 percent approval on Election Day in 1989; George W. Bush at 84 percent in 2001) as well as unpopular (Bush at 42 percent approval in 2005).

Republicans, meanwhile, swept the 1993 and 1997 gubernatorial contests in the two states while Bill Clinton was in office - at both unpopular (in 1993, at 48 percent) and popular (in 1997, at 57 percent) periods of his presidency.

As such, it does not appear correct to attribute President Obama's middle-of-the-road approval ratings (in the low 50s), to any failures experienced by the Democratic Party on Tuesday in these two states.

Gubernatorial success by a political party in these states seems to be inversely correlated with the party controlling the White House and not correlated to the President's popularity, as such approval ratings have not demonstrated to be associated consistently with electoral success or failure of his party in gubernatorial elections in New Jersey and Virginia over the past 20 years.

And if there is a party sweep (by the GOP) on Tuesday, what does that tell us about how the midterm U.S. House elections will turn out in 2010?

Not much.

When the Democrats swept the gubernatorial contests in 1989 and 2005, they gained U.S. House seats in the following year's midterm elections (+7 and +31 seats respectively). However, after the Democrats swept the two races in 2001, they went on to lose 8 seats in the 2002 midterms.

As for the GOP, their sweep through New Jersey and Virginia in 1993 was followed by the 54-seat gain in the U.S. House in the 1994 Republican Revolution. However, their 1997 sweep was followed by a loss of 5 seats to the Democrats in 1998.

It should be noted that the Garden and Old Dominion States have not always voted in unison in gubernatorial elections. Democrats and Republicans each claimed one state in the elections of 1973, 1977, 1981, and 1985.

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Thursday, October 29, 2009

Pathway to the Governor's Mansion in Minnesota, Part IV: Age

Current Crop of 2010 Gubernatorial Candidates Is More 'Seasoned' Than Gopher State Governors Throughout History

(Previous installments of Smart Politics' 'Pathway to the Governor's Mansion' series include reports on the political experience, geographic background, and ethnic background of successful gubernatorial candidates in Minnesota history).

Do Minnesota voters go for camera-ready youthful looks or a more seasoned visage that symbolizes years of wisdom and experience? And which has been the more successful tool to create a pathway to St. Paul for gubernatorial candidates in the Gopher State?

As it turn out, Minnesotans have historically tended to elect fairly young gubernatorial candidates, according to a Smart Politics analysis of the 38 individuals who have become Governor dating back to statehood. However, while the average age of Minnesota's governors upon assuming office has been 44.3 years, the current batch of 2010 gubernatorial hopefuls come in at a much more 'seasoned' average age of 52.2 years - one year out from Election Day.

(Note: Eight Lieutenant Governors ascended into office due to death or resignation of their predecessor. Six of these were later elected into office. After adjusting the data to reflect the age of these individuals after their election into office, the average age was still a very similar 44.7 years. As such, the following analysis is based on the age at which these 38 men first became governor - elected or otherwise).

The youngest Governor in Minnesota history was Republican Harold Stassen, who took office in 1939 at the tender age of 31. A total of 11 men became governor while still in their 30s including Cushman Davis (35), Orville Freeman (36), J.A.A. Burnquist (36), Wendell Anderson (37), J.A.O. Preus (37), Horace Austin (38), C. Elmer Anderson (39), Floyd Olson (39), Adolph Eberhart (39), and William Merriam (39).

The oldest man to be elected to the state's highest office was the 15th Governor, Republican Samuel Van Sant, who, at 56 years and 7+ months was a few months older than Harold LeVander and Arne Carlson when they assumed office in 1967 and 1991 respectively. Five other individuals were in their 50s at the time they became Governor: Al Quie (55), Winfield Hammond (51), Elmer Andersen (51), Knute Nelson (50), and Luther Youngdahl (50).

Another 19 men became governor while in their 40s.

Age of Minnesota Governors Upon Assuming Office

#
Governor
Years
Age
39
Tim Pawlenty
2003-present
42
38
Jesse Ventura
1999-2003
47
37
Arne Carlson
1991-1999
56
34, 36
Rudy Perpich*
1976-1979, 1983-1991
48
35
Al Quie
1979-1983
55
33
Wendell Anderson
1971-1976
37
32
Harold LeVander
1967-1971
56
31
Kark Rolvaag
1963-1967
49
30
Elmer Andersen
1961-1963
51
29
Orville Freeman
1955-1961
36
28
C. Elmer Anderson*
1951-1955
39
27
Luther Youngdahl
1947-1951
50
26
Edward Thye*
1943-1947
46
25
Harold Stassen
1939-1943
31
24
Elmer Benson
1937-1939
41
23
Hjalmar Petersen**
1936-1937
46
22
Floyd Olson
1931-1936
39
21
Theodore Christianson
1925-1931
41
20
J.A.O. Preus
1921-1925
37
19
J.A.A. Burnquist*
1915-1921
36
18
Winfield Hammond
1915-1915
51
17
Adolph Eberhart*
1909-1915
39
16
John Johnson
1905-1909
43
15
Samuel Van Sant
1901-1905
56
14
John Lind
1899-1901
44
13
David Clough*
1895-1899
48
12
Knute Nelson
1893-1895
50
11
William Merriam
1889-1893
39
10
Andrew McGill
1887-1889
46
9
Lucius Hubbard
1882-1887
45
8
John Pillsbury
1876-1882
48
7
Cushman Davis
1874-1876
35
6
Horace Austin
1870-1874
38
5
William Marshall
1866-1870
40
4
Stephen Miller
1864-1866
48
3
Henry Swift**
1863-1864
40
2
Alexander Ramsey
1860-1863
44
1
Henry Sibley
1858-1860
47
* Denotes individuals who first became governor through resignation or death of their predecessor, but were later elected into office in their own right. ** Denotes individuals who were never elected into the governor's office. Source: Minnesota Historical Society, data compiled by Smart Politics.

But of the nearly 20 DFL and GOP candidates running (or exploring a run) for governor of the Gopher State in 2010, the average age is, at 52.2 years, nearly 8 years older than the historical average, still one year out from Election Day. There is no difference between the average age of the Republicans (52.2) and DFLers (52.3) who are currently in the mix.

GOPer Leslie Davis is the oldest candidate at 72, with Republican and former 8th Congressional District nominee Phil Herwig at 67, former DFL Senator Mark Dayton at 62, and former GOP Representative Bill Haas at 60.

Another eight 2010 candidates are in their 50s with 5 more in their 40s.

The two youngest candidates in the field are GOP State Representative Paul Kohls at 35 and former House Minority Leader Marty Siefert at 37.

Of course, the average life expectancy today is much longer than during the Gopher State's formative years.

Still, even examining only those governors elected in the modern era (1950+), the average age upon being sworn into office was still nearly 5.5 years younger (46.9 years) than the current crop of 2010 candidates. (The average age of those becoming governor from 1900-1949 was 42.8 years and from 1858-1899 was 43.7 years).

Age of Minnesota's 2010 DFL and Republican Gubernatorial Candidates

Candidate
Party
Age
Leslie Davis
GOP
72
Philip Herwig
GOP
67
Mark Dayton
DFL
62
Bill Haas
GOP
60
Tom Rukavina
DFL
59
David Hann
GOP
57
Steve Kelley
DFL
56
Susan Gaertner
DFL
55
Tom Bakk
DFL
55
R.T. Rybak
DFL
53
John Marty
DFL
52
Mike Jungbauer
GOP
51
Matt Entenza
DFL
48
Tom Emmer
GOP
48
Pat Anderson
GOP
43
Paul Thissen
DFL
42
Margaret Anderson Kelliher
DFL
41
Marty Seifert
GOP
37
Paul Kohls
GOP
35
Average
 
52.2
Data compiled by Smart Politics.

And how has age factored into head-to-head gubernatorial matchups? Smart Politics will explore this in Part 5 of its Pathways to the Governor's Mansion series.

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Wednesday, October 28, 2009

Is Pawlenty Endorsement of Hoffman in NY-23 Contest the Death Knell for Liberal Republicans?

Pawlenty criticizes Republican nominee as someone "Undeserving of wearing the Republican jersey."

This week Governor Tim Pawlenty joined the ranks of Sarah Palin, Senator Jim DeMint, former Senator and Presidential candidate Fred Thompson, former Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum, businessman and former presidential candidate Steve Forbes, and Minnesota Congresswoman Michele Bachmann by endorsing the Conservative Party candidate Doug Hoffman in New York's 23rd Congressional District special election that will be held next Tuesday.

Hoffman is running against Democrat Bill Owens and Republican Dede Scozzafava in the race to fill the seat vacated by former 9-term Republican John McHugh, who won 65.3 percent in his reelection bid last November. McHugh was nominated by President Barack Obama to become the Secretary of the Army last June and assumed the post last month.

The Conservative Party of New York cross-endorses Republican candidates in the vast majority of Congressional races, but has fielded its own, stand-alone candidates in 59 general election matchups since 1992 - usually when it deems the Republican nominee too liberal (as they do in the case of Assemblywoman Scozzafava) or when there is no GOP candidate on the ballot.

Several liberal Republican incumbents (e.g. Rep. Chris Shays, Senator Lincoln Chafee) have recently seen their political careers end in the left wing of the GOP's last stronghold, the Northeast. Liberal Republicans are finding their policy positions not liberal enough to win the votes of Democrats, and not conservative enough to hold the votes of Republicans - with incumbents sometimes even struggling to win the GOP nomination (e.g. Senator Arlen Specter in 2004).

On FOX News' On the Record with Greta Van Susteren Tuesday evening, Governor Pawlenty did not so much sing the praises of the Conservative nominee Hoffman as he did lambaste the Republican Scozzafava, stating, "This is not somebody who I think is deserving of wearing the Republican jersey."

Pawlenty added:

"If we're going to have a Republican candidate, they need to meet at least a minimum threshold of being Republican or conservative. There is a range of people that can meet that definition - we want the party to be able to have some differences internally - but the candidate they endorsed here doesn't even meet that minimum threshold...She does not even meet the minimum requirement of being a Republican - even broadly defined."

Pawlenty then criticized Scozzafava's record on supporting tax increases in the New York Assembly and her policy positions supporting card check, the federal stimulus, and bank bailouts.

"If you go down her record - not her promises going forward as a Republican candidate - this is an individual who has really defied almost every important issue, at least from my standpoint, for Republicans."

So Pawlenty - and many other notable Republicans, including Michele Bachmann, who endorsed Hoffman a week ago - seem to have taken a hard-line stance against the dying breed of liberal Republicans who used to populate the Northeast, by endorsing the Conservative Party nominee Doug Hoffman instead. Hoffman's numbers have been rising in the polls, with most of his support seeming to come at the expense of Scozzafava.

And how unprecedented would a strong performance by Hoffman be in recent New York electoral history?

A Smart Politics analysis of the 59 stand-alone Conservative Party nominees in U.S. House races in New York State since 1992 finds Hoffman's high poll numbers (~ 30 percent) unfamiliar territory for the Conservative Party in the Empire State.

McHugh's 23rd District seat has not had a Conservative Party nominee since redistricting in 2002. McHugh's seat prior to redistricting was in the 24th District, which did have a Conservative Party nominee when McHugh won Republican Congressman David O'Brien Martin's open seat in 1992. In that race, the Conservative candidate, Morrison Hosley, won 8.7 percent of the vote.

Overall, Conservative Party candidates in New York U.S. House races have averaged only 4.5 percent of the vote in 59 races since 1992. After excluding the 13 races during this span in which there was no Republican Party candidate on the ballot and the 2 races in which there was no Democratic Party candidate on the ballot, Conservative Party nominees averaged just 2.9 percent of the vote.

The best showings by Conservative Party candidates since 1992 have been David Vicker's 19.2 percent in 1998's 23rd CD race and Vicker's 16.8 percent showing in 2000. In 2002, in the newly-drawn 24th district, David Walrath received 21.6 percent of the vote in a race without a Democrat on the ballot.

Republican candidates have won just 9 of the 59 U.S. House races with Conservative Party nominees on the ballot (in a Democratic-heavy state). In races with Republican, Democratic, and Conservative nominees all on the ballot - as will be the case next Tuesday - the Democrats have won 84 percent of the time (winning 37, compared to 7 for the GOP).

Stand-Alone Conservative Party Nominees for New York U.S. House Races, 1992-2008

Year
District
Candidate
%
GOP on ballot
Victor
2008
05
Jun Policarpio
1.9
Yes
Democrat
2008
09
Alfred F. Donohue
6.9
No
Democrat
2008
11
Cartrell Gore
0.8
Yes
Democrat
2008
13
Timothy J. Cochrane
3.1
Yes
Democrat
2008
27
Harold W. Schroeder
3.0
Yes
Democrat
2006
08
Dennis E. Adornato
1.3
Yes
Democrat
2006
10
Ernest Johnson
1.9
Yes
Democrat
2006
11
Marianna Blume
1.4
Yes
Democrat
2004
10
Mariana Blume
1.0
Yes
Democrat
2004
11
Sol Lieberman
3.1
No
Democrat
2004
17
Kevin Brawley
1.9
Yes
Democrat
2004
24
David L. Walrath
9.2
Yes
GOP
2004
29
Mark W. Assini
6.4
Yes
GOP
2002
05
Perry S. Reich
7.7
No
Democrat
2002
08
Alan Jay Gerber
3.2
Yes
Democrat
2002
10
Herbert F. Ryan
2.2
No
Democrat
2002
11
Alice Gaffney
0.9
Yes
Democrat
2002
12
Cesar Estevez
4.2
No
Democrat
2002
24
David L. Walrath
21.6
Yes*
GOP
2000
02
Richard N. Thompson
5.7
Yes
Democrat
2000
07
Robert E. Hurley
2.9
Yes
Democrat
2000
08
Anthony A. LaBella
1.0
Yes
Democrat
2000
10
Ernest Johnson
0.6
Yes
Democrat
2000
11
Cartrell Gore
0.7
Yes
Democrat
2000
12
Caesar Estevez
0.9
Yes
Democrat
2000
15
Frank Della Valle
0.3
Yes
Democrat
2000
16
Richard Retcho
0.5
Yes
Democrat
2000
23
David B. Vickers
16.8
Yes
GOP
1998
07
Richard Retcho
5.4
Yes
Democrat
1998
09
Arthur J. Smith
4.7
Yes
Democrat
1998
10
Ernest Johnson
1.5
Yes
Democrat
1998
12
Angel Diaz
2.6
Yes
Democrat
1998
15
Patrick McManus
1.1
Yes
Democrat
1998
16
Owen Camp
1.1
Yes
Democrat
1998
18
Daniel McMahon
11.4
No
Democrat
1998
23
David Vickers
19.2
Yes*
GOP
1998
28
Paul Britton
2.7
Yes
Democrat
1996
08
George A. Galip, Jr
1.5
Yes
Democrat
1996
09
Michael Mossa
3.9
Yes
Democrat
1996
14
Joseph A. Lavezzo
1.2
Yes
Democrat
1996
16
Owen Camp
0.8
Yes
Democrat
1996
19
Joseph J. DioGuardi
9.0
Yes
Democrat
1994
04
David A. Levy
8.7
Yes
GOP
1994
07
Robert E. Hurley
12.9
No
Democrat
1994
08
Margaret V. Byrnes
2.2
Yes
Democrat
1994
10
Mildred K. Mahoney
1.7
Yes
Democrat
1994
11
Michael Gaffney
1.6
Yes
Democrat
1994
12
Genevieve R. Brennan
6.3
No
Democrat
1994
16
Michael Walters
3.7
No
Democrat
1994
17
Kevin Brawley
2.3
Yes
Democrat
1994
19
Joseph J. DioGuardi
7.2
Yes
GOP
1992
08
Margaret V. Byrnes
3.0
Yes
Democrat
1992
09
Alice G. Gaffney
11.4
No
Democrat
1992
10
Owen Augustin
4.2
No
Democrat
1992
11
Michael Gaffney
5.0
No
Democrat
1992
15
Jose A. Suero
3.1
No
Democrat
1992
17
Kevin Brawley
2.6
Yes
Democrat
1992
23
Geoffrey P. Grace
3.7
Yes
GOP
1992
24
Morrison J. Hosley, Jr
8.7
Yes
GOP
* Denotes race with no Democratic Party candidate on the ballot. Source: Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives.

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Tuesday, October 27, 2009

Bachmann Raising Significantly Larger Out-of-State Funds Per Capita from Obama States than McCain States

Obama States Hold 10 of the Top 12 Slots in Out-of-State Per Capita Fundraising Among Itemized Individual Donors

Smart Politics reported yesterday that although PAC contributions to Congresswoman Michele Bachmann have been declining steadily over the past five quarters, contributions to her campaign by individuals have more than compensated for that decline, making her the biggest fundraiser in the Minnesota U.S. House delegation this cycle.

Since Bachmann first started raising federal campaign money in early 2005, she has received about two-thirds of her individual funds in the form of itemized, large donor contributions ($3.08 million, or 64.4 percent) and approximately one-third in the form of unitemized, small donor contributions ($1.7 million, or 35.6 percent).

While unitemized contributions are becoming an increasingly important tool for Bachmann in building her campaign warchest, only large donor ($200+) contributions provide detailed, itemized information.

Digging deeper into Bachmann's FEC filings to determine from where the Congresswoman's individual donors are coming, a Smart Politics analysis finds that Bachmann has received 3.3 times more out-of-state money from states carried by Barack Obama than states carried by John McCain since she took office in January 2007. Even after controlling for population, Bachmann has garnered 51.4 percent more money per capita from Obama states over McCain states during this 2.75 year span.

Since January 2007, Representative Bachmann has raised $1.95 million in individual itemized contributions from across the country, of which $1.37 million has come from residents inside the Gopher State (70.2 percent).

Of the $581,000+ in large donor contributions that have come from out-of-state, 76.5 percent ($444,824) came from states carried by Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election, while 23.2 percent ($135,246) came from states carried by John McCain. (Another 0.3 percent came from U.S. territories or residents from unidentified locales).

After adjusting the data for population based on the 2008 U.S. Census estimates, Obama states have given to Bachmann's campaign at a rate of $217.36 per 100,000 residents since 2007 compared to a rate of just $143.59 per 100,000 residents in states carried by John McCain. Overall, Bachmann has received 51.4 percent more large donor money per capita from Obama states than McCain states.

In fact, 10 of the top 12 locales contributing at the highest rate to Bachmann are in Obama Territory, led by the District of Columbia, which sets the pace at a rate of $688.37 per 100,000 residents.

Only the red states of Nebraska (#2, $583.15) and Wyoming (#4, $478.72) crack the Top 12, with deep blue states like Maryland (#3, $516.54), Illinois #7 ($324.57), Vermont (#8, $321.92), and California (#9, $279.57) all perched in the Top 10 in per capita contributions to one of the U.S. Houses' most conservative members.

Since being sworn in at the Capitol in January 2007, Rep. Bachmann has received large donor contributions from all but six states - five of them being McCain states (Idaho, Mississippi, Montana, Utah, and West Virginia; New Mexico is the other).

Overall, not adjusting for population controls, Bachmann has received the most out-of-state money from California ($102,761), Florida ($66,000), Texas ($60,831), Illinois ($41,875), Virginia ($30,618), New York ($30,285), Maryland ($29,100), Washington ($17,285), and Wisconsin ($15,596).

The initial reaction to these findings might be to simply explain them away due to the fact that median household incomes are higher in Obama states than McCain states. The reasoning would be that there is a larger pool, per capita, of wealthy conservatives in Obama states who are in a position to contribute large sums to Bachmann's campaign than in McCain states.

This is an attractive theory at first blush. According to the U.S. Census Bureau's Current Population Survey two-year average household income data for 2007-2008, households in Obama states ($54,967) had a 16.8 percent higher annual income than households in McCain states ($47,062).

Which brings us back to a report published last week at Smart Politics on another well-known Republican U.S. House member who has raised a lot of money outside his home state - South Carolina's Joe Wilson.

Wilson, who had a fundraising boon after shouting "You lie!" during President Obama's health care reform address to a joint session of Congress last month, raised $568,794 in large donor individual funds in Q3 2009.

A Smart Politics analysis of the nearly 1,200 itemized individual donors who sent Wilson contributions in the third quarter of 2009 finds that states that voted for John McCain in the 2008 presidential election contributed 83 percent more money per capita than those who supported Barack Obama.

Even after excluding the $95,300 raised by Wilson in his home state of South Carolina, McCain states (at $179.33 per 100,000 residents) still contributed at a 20.8 percent higher rate to Wilson than Obama states (at $148.45).

By contrast, in Q3 2009 Bachmann raised 30.6 percent more funds per capita in Obama states ($17.42 per 100,000 residents, excluding Minnesota) than McCain States ($13.34 per 100,000 residents).

In short, the annual household income data does not uniformly explain away the differences in per capita contributions between Obama states and McCain states when analyzing the fundraising of two of the nation's most well-known U.S. Representatives.

So what is driving Bachmann's particular appeal to financial contributors in Obama states? Is she perhaps receiving more support from Obama states, while Wilson reaps more rewards from McCain states, because of their respective gender?

Check back in to Smart Politics later this week for more analysis of Congresswoman Bachmann's fundraising data.

Out of State Per Capita Individual Large Donor Contributions to Michele Bachmann, Q1 2007 - Q3 2009

Rank
State
Total
per 100,000
2008 Vote
Percent
1
District of Columbia
$4,074
$688.37
Obama
0.7
2
Nebraska
$10,400
$583.15
McCain
1.8
3
Maryland
$29,100
$516.54
Obama
5.0
4
Wyoming
$2,550
$478.72
McCain
0.4
5
Virginia
$30,618
$394.10
Obama
5.3
6
Florida
$66,000
$360.10
Obama
11.3
7
Illinois
$41,875
$324.57
Obama
7.2
8
Vermont
$2,000
$321.92
Obama
0.3
9
California
$102,761
$279.57
Obama
17.7
10
Wisconsin
$15,596
$277.12
Obama
2.7
11
Washington
$17,285
$263.92
Obama
3.0
12
Nevada
$6,600
$253.83
Obama
1.1
13
Texas
$60,831
$250.06
McCain
10.5
14
Connecticut
$8,625
$246.34
Obama
1.5
15
Colorado
$11,870
$240.31
Obama
2.0
16
Arizona
$14,060
$216.30
McCain
2.4
17
New York
$30,285
$155.39
Obama
5.2
18
Louisiana
$6,500
$147.37
McCain
1.1
19
New Jersey
$12,260
$141.20
Obama
2.1
20
Kentucky
$5,750
$134.68
McCain
1.0
21
Ohio
$14,525
$126.46
Obama
2.5
22
Georgia
$11,850
$122.34
McCain
2.0
23
Pennsylvania
$14,700
$118.09
Obama
2.5
24
North Dakota
$750
$116.92
McCain
0.1
25
Michigan
$11,480
$114.76
Obama
2.0
26
Maine
$1,500
$113.94
Obama
0.3
27
Iowa
$3,325
$110.74
Obama
0.6
28
Hawaii
$1,400
$108.68
Obama
0.2
29
Missouri
$5,900
$99.80
McCain
1.0
30
Massachusetts
$6,385
$98.26
Obama
1.1
31
Rhode Island
$950
$90.41
Obama
0.2
32
Oklahoma
$3,125
$85.80
McCain
0.5
33
Arkansas
$2,350
$82.30
McCain
0.4
34
Alabama
$3,650
$78.29
McCain
0.6
35
South Dakota
$600
$74.61
McCain
0.1
36
Tennessee
$4,425
$71.20
McCain
0.8
37
North Carolina
$6,450
$69.94
Obama
1.1
38
Kansas
$1,655
$59.06
McCain
0.3
39
Alaska
$350
$51.00
McCain
0.1
40
Oregon
$1,750
$46.17
Obama
0.3
41
Indiana
$2,810
$44.07
Obama
0.5
42
Delaware
$250
$28.63
Obama
0.0
43
New Hampshire
$350
$26.60
Obama
0.1
44
South Carolina
$500
$11.16
McCain
0.1
45
New Mexico
$0
$0.00
Obama
0.0
45
Idaho
$0
$0.00
McCain
0.0
45
Mississippi
$0
$0.00
McCain
0.0
45
Montana
$0
$0.00
McCain
0.0
45
Utah
$0
$0.00
McCain
0.0
45
West Virginia
$0
$0.00
McCain
0.0
 
Other
$1,700
 
 
0.3
 
Total
$581,770
 
 
100.0
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

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Monday, October 26, 2009

Are PACs Getting Gunshy of Michele Bachmann?

Special Interest PAC Money to Bachmann's Campaign at Lowest Level Since Q2 2006 GOP Endorsement

U.S. Representative Michele Bachmann's latest fundraising haul - the 14th consecutive quarter of at least a quarter of a million dollars - stands out for the Congresswoman both for the impressive amount of money raised from small donors as well as the relatively scarce amount of funds raised from PACs.

In fact, the Q3 2009 PAC contributions to Bachmann's campaign were the lowest quarterly PAC receipts for the Congresswoman, as well as the lowest percentage of total quarterly funds raised, since Representative Bachmann first received the endorsement by Republicans in the 6th Congressional District back in May 2006.

Bachmann only received $31,402 from PACs last quarter - marking the fifth consecutive quarter in which her campaign has experienced a net decrease in PAC money. Bachmann received $192,471 from PACs in Q2 2008, $156,525 in Q3 2008, $135,900 in Q4 2008, $61,417 in Q1 2009, and $52,904 in Q2 2009.

The $31,402 was the lowest amount of PAC money Bachmann had received since Q1 2006 - the quarter before the Congresswoman was endorsed by the GOP in the 6th CD race.

By contrast, PAC money to fellow GOPer John Kline has increased in each quarter this year - from $50,000 in Q1 to $65,250 in Q2, to $78,400 in Q3, rising from 35 percent to 40 percent of his total fundraising along the way. PAC contributions to most of the other members of the Minnesota congressional delegation have fluctuated, going up and down throughout the year.

PAC money constituted only 9.1 percent of Bachmann's Q3 2009 funds - also marking the lowest percentage of total quarterly funds raised since her endorsement 3.5 years ago.

PAC money used to comprise a much larger percentage of Bachmann's overall campaign warchest - exceeding 50 percent of quarterly receipts two times, in Q2 2006 (53.4 percent) and Q2 2008 (50.3 percent), and greater than 40 percent two other times, in Q3 2006 (44.2 percent) and Q1 2007 (45.3 percent).

But Bachmann has more than compensated for what she may be lacking in PAC contributions by raising a record percentage of contributions from small donors in the last quarter. (Small donors, or unitemized individual contributions, are those of less than $200 for the campaign cycle to date).

The $193,838 in small donor contributions to Bachmann tallied 56.2 percent of her total Q3 2009 funds. This marks the largest percentage small donations have constituted to Bachmann's campaign since she first began raising federal campaign funds in early 2005.

The 56.2 percent raised by Bachmann in Q3 2009 represents a larger percentage than even the surge in small donor funds the Congresswoman's campaign enjoyed after her October 2008 appearance on Chris Matthews' Hardball program.

That cable TV appearance, which also proved to be a fundraising boon to her 2008 DFL opponent El Tinklenberg, paved the way for Bachmann to raise $570,643 in unitemized small donor contributions that quarter - or 53.2 percent of the total receipts to her campaign.

But there is also a political question raised by all these numbers. Why is Representative Bachmann receiving less and less money from organized special interests?

Two potential theories come to mind:

1) The boom in individual contributions to Bachmann's campaign is so large that she no longer needs to court special interest money, or

2) Special interests are becoming increasingly gunshy at contributing to the campaign of one of the most controversial members of Congress - particularly one with an increasingly national profile.

The timing of the decline in PAC money and increase in Bachmann's national profile is interesting to be sure. The fact that Bachmann's special interest money has declined quarter-by-quarter in the last two years - precisely at the time when the Congresswoman's national media appearances have increased - suggests the latter theory above might be in play.

Bachmann had only one national cable TV media appearance from the time of her 6th CD GOP endorsement in Q2 2006 for the next two years through Q2 2008. She has had nearly four dozen appearances thereafter, with her net PAC contributions declining each quarter.

Michele Bachmann PAC Funds Raised and National Cable TV Appearances by Quarter, Q2 2008 - Q3 2009

Quarter
PAC money
Cable TV appearances
Q2 2008
$192,471
0
Q3 2008
$156,525
11
Q4 2008
$135,900
9
Q1 2009
$61,417
9
Q2 2009
$52,904
8
Q3 2009
$31,402
8
Source: FEC. Media appearance data compiled by Smart Politics.

PAC money as a percentage of Bachmann's total campaign fundraising has also plummeted from 50.3 percent in Q2 2008, to 33.7 percent in Q3 2008, 12.7 percent in Q4 2008, 19.6 percent in Q1 2009, 18.6 percent in Q2 2009, and 9.1 percent in Q3 2009.

Then again, it's hard to call this trend a real problem for Bachmann. What politician wouldn't prefer to receive hundreds of thousands of dollars from small donors as opposed to special interest PAC money? The former is the basis for some powerful campaign literature.

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Friday, October 23, 2009

Pathway to the Governor's Mansion in Minnesota, Part III: Ethnic Heritage

Or, The End of Scandinavian Dominance

(Previous installments of Smart Politics' 'Pathway to the Governor's Mansion' series include reports on the political experience and geographic background of successful gubernatorial candidates in Minnesota history).

The elections of the last two governors in the Gopher State have sent important, but different messages to the nation, with the common headline being that Minnesota politics is unpredictable and does not always follow the national trend.

The election (that few predicted) of a former professional wrestler and actor in 1998 (and a former satirist and actor for Senate in 2008) have lead some commentators to dismiss the state's political outcomes with the line, "Only in Minnesota."

Moreover, the (re)election of a Republican Governor in a light blue state during a deep blue Democratic tsunami in the 2006 midterms also signaled to the nation that Minnesotans speak with a voice of their own.

But the election of Jesse Ventura and Tim Pawlenty to St. Paul has also sent another message - to Minnesotans themselves. And that is a signaling that ethnic background is much less of an important variable in who governs the Gopher State.

Prior to the election of Ventura, 17 of the previous 18 Minnesota governors dating back to 1915 were either of full or partial Scandinavian ancestry.

In fact, other than Rudy Perpich (of Croatian descent) the only other governor who was not full-blooded Scandinavian during this span was the state's 25th Governor, Harold Stassen. Stassen was part Norwegian, German, and Czech.

Overall, of the 38 men who have served as Governor, 20 have a full-blooded Scandinavian ethnic background.

But while Norwegians may have the highest national and statewide profile of all the European settlers of the Gopher State (a profile enhanced nationally by the Minnesota Vikings and regionally by Lena and Ole jokes), the Swedes have actually had the most success in gubernatorial elections.

There have been nine governors of Swedish descent in Minnesota history, with all but one elected to office in the 20th Century - beginning with the state's 14th Governor, John Lind in 1898, and ending with Arne Carlson, who was first elected in 1990.

In between, seven other Swedish-Americans were elected governor: John Johnson, Adolph Eberhart, J.A.A. Burnquist, Luther Youngdahl, C. Elmer Anderson, Harold LeVander, and Wendell Anderson.

There have been seven Minnesota governors of Norwegian descent. The first Norwegian (and Scandinavian) Governor of the Gopher State was Knute Nelson, the 12th Governor of Minnesota who was elected in 1892.

It took 28 years before another Norwegian was elected - J.A.O. Preus in 1920. Over the next forty years another four governors of Norwegian descent were elected: Theodore Christianson in 1924, Elmer Benson in 1936, Edward Thye in 1944, and Karl Rolvaag in 1962. The last Norwegian to be elected Governor of the Gopher State was Al Quie in 1978.

Another three governors of Minnesota were of both Swedish and Norwegian descent: Floyd Olson (elected in 1930), Orville Freeman (1954), and Elmer Andersen (1960).

The only other ethnicity that has been represented in the Governor's mansion by more than one governor is English.

In the state's early years, as immigrants from Scandinavia were beginning to settle the land, five of Minnesota's first eight governors were of English descent: Henry Sibley, Henry Swift (who was not elected), Horace Austin, Cushman Davis, and John Pillsbury. The last governor of pure English descent was the 18th Governor, Winfield Hammond, who was elected in 1914 (and died in 1915).

Minnesota Governors by Ethnic Heritage

Heritage
Number
Percent
Swedish
9
23.7
Norwegian
7
18.4
Other mix
7
18.4
English*
6
15.8
Norwegian-Swedish
3
7.9
Croatian
1
2.6
Dutch
1
2.6
German
1
2.6
Slovak
1
2.6
Welsh
1
2.6
Danish**
1
2.6
* One Governor of English heritage was never elected to the office: Lieutenant Governor Henry Smith became governor when Alexander Ramsey resigned to take a seat in the U.S. Senate. ** The one Danish Governor of Minnesota was never elected to the office: Lieutenant Governor Hjalmar Petersen became governor upon the death of Governor Floyd Olson. Source: Minnesota Historical Society.

While no racial minority has been ever elected to the Governor's mansion in the Gopher State, recent years have reflected greater diversity in terms of European ethnic background. Each of the last five governors have a different ethnic heritage: Rudy Perpich is Croatian, Al Quie is Norwegian, Arne Carlson is Swedish, Jesse Ventura is Slovakian, and Tim Pawlenty is Polish and German.

In addition to the three governors of Norwegian-Swedish ethnic backgrounds mentioned above, Pawlenty joins a list of six other governors who had a background of more than one ethnicity - Alexander Ramsey (Scottish and German), William Marshall (Scottish and Irish), Lucius Hubbard (English and Dutch), Andrew McGill (Irish and English), William Merriam (Scottish and French), and Harold Stassen (Norwegian, German, and Czech).

List of Minnesota Governors by Ethnic Background

#
Governor
Years
Ethnicity
39
Tim Pawlenty
2003-present
Polish, German
38
Jesse Ventura
1999-2003
Slovak
37
Arne Carlson
1991-1999
Swedish
35
Al Quie
1979-1983
Norwegian
34, 36
Rudy Perpich
1976-1979, 1983-1991
Croatian
33
Wendell Anderson
1971-1976
Swedish
32
Harold LeVander
1967-1971
Swedish
31
Kark Rolvaag
1963-1967
Norwegian
30
Elmer Andersen
1961-1963
Norwegian, Swedish
29
Orville Freeman
1955-1961
Norwegian, Swedish
28
C. Elmer Anderson
1951-1955
Swedish
27
Luther Youngdahl
1947-1951
Swedish
26
Edward Thye
1943-1947
Norwegian
25
Harold Stassen
1939-1943
Norwegian, German, Czech
24
Elmer Benson
1937-1939
Norwegian
23
Hjalmar Petersen
1936-1937
Danish
22
Floyd Olson
1931-1936
Norwegian, Swedish
21
Theodore Christianson
1925-1931
Norwegian
20
J.A.O. Preus
1921-1925
Norwegian
19
J.A.A. Burnquist
1915-1921
Swedish
18
Winfield Hammond
1915-1915
English
17
Adolph Eberhart
1909-1915
Swedish
16
John Johnson
1905-1909
Swedish
15
Samuel Van Sant
1901-1905
Dutch
14
John Lind
1899-1901
Swedish
13
David Clough
1895-1899
Welsh
12
Knute Nelson
1893-1895
Norwegian
11
William Merriam
1889-1893
Scots, French
10
Andrew McGill
1887-1889
Irish, English
9
Lucius Hubbard
1882-1887
English, Dutch
8
John Pillsbury
1876-1882
English
7
Cushman Davis
1874-1876
English
6
Horace Austin
1870-1874
English
5
William Marshall
1866-1870
Scotch-Irish
4
Stephen Miller
1864-1866
German
3
Henry Swift
1863-1864
English
2
Alexander Ramsey
1860-1863
Scots, German
1
Henry Sibley
1858-1860
English
Source: Minnesota Historical Society.

The diminishing importance of ethnic background in gubernatorial elections today can be seen by the fact that very few of the crop of 2010 candidates even mention their ethnic heritage on their campaign websites.

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Thursday, October 22, 2009

When Will Minnesota (or Wisconsin, Iowa, South Dakota, North Dakota...) Elect a Woman as Governor?

After holding more than 300 gubernatorial elections across the Upper Midwest during the past 160+ years, the region has yet to elect their first female governor.

With gubernatorial elections taking place in Minnesota, Iowa, South Dakota, and Wisconsin next year, will 2010 be the year in which a woman finally breaks through and wins the governor's office in one of these states?

The best (and perhaps only) opportunities for the election of a female governor in the Upper Midwest in 2010 will be in the states of Minnesota and Wisconsin.

Three female major party candidates are currently running for Tim Pawlenty's open seat in the Gopher State: DFL Speaker of the House Margaret Anderson Kelliher, DFL Ramsey County Attorney Susan Gaertner, and former Republican State Auditor Pat Anderson.

Anderson will also likely be the only female GOPer vying for the governor's office across the Upper Midwestern region this year.

In Wisconsin, Lieutenant Governor Barbara Lawton is a strong contender to lead the Democratic Party ticket, though rumors have also percolated throughout the year that Democratic Dane County Executive Kathleen Falk could jump into the race (Falk ran for governor in 2002, losing in the primary to current Governor Jim Doyle).

No major party female candidates have been announced for the open seat race to replace Republican Mike Rounds in South Dakota and no Republican woman has announced a bid to challenge 1-term Democratic incumbent Chet Culver in Iowa.

South Dakota has never had a Democratic or Republican female candidate on the gubernatorial ballot in 52 elections dating back to statehood in 1889. The Mount Rushmore State's best chance to elect a woman as governor to date may have been at-large blue dog Democratic U.S. Representative Stephanie Herseth during this election cycle. However, Rep. Herseth announced her decision to run for a 5th term in D.C. in July of this year instead.

Wisconsin (with 71 gubernatorial races since statehood) and Minnesota (with 64) have also never had a woman win a major party's gubernatorial slot on the general election ballot to date.

Iowa, however, has seen two women representing major parties contend for the governor's office across the 70 such contests that have been held in the Hawkeye State since its first election in 1846.

Democrat Roxanna Conlin won 46.5 percent of the vote in 1982, losing to Terry Branstad by 6.3 points. Twelve years later, in 1994, Democrat Bonnie Campbell won 41.6 percent of the vote while Branstad cruised to his 4th term with a 15.2 point victory.

Overall, 25 women have been elected governor across twenty states in U.S. history, while another six have served as governor or acting governor without being elected to the office. Two current female governors (Linda Lingle of Hawaii and Jennifer Granholm of Michigan) are term-limited in 2010.

Women Governors (or Acting Governors) By State

State
Governors
Total
Elected
Alabama
Lureen Wallace
1
1
Alaska
Sarah Palin
1
1
Arizona
Rose Perica Mofford*, Jane Dee Hull, Janet Napolitano, Jan Brewer*
4
2
Arkansas
---
0
0
California
---
0
0
Colorado
---
0
0
Connecticut
Ella Grasso, Jodi Rell
2
2
Delaware
Ruth Ann Minner
1
1
Florida
---
0
0
Georgia
---
0
0
Hawaii
Linda Lingle
1
1
Idaho
---
0
0
Illinois
---
0
0
Indiana
---
0
0
Iowa
---
0
0
Kansas
Joan Finney, Kathleen Sebelius
2
2
Kentucky
Martha Layne Collins
1
1
Louisiana
Kathleen Blanco
1
1
Maine
---
0
0
Maryland
---
0
0
Massachusetts
Jane Swift*
1
0
Michigan
Jennifer Granholm
1
1
Minnesota
---
0
0
Mississippi
---
0
0
Missouri
---
0
0
Montana
Judy Martz
1
1
Nebraska
Kay Orr
1
1
Nevada
---
0
0
New Hampshire
Vesta Roy*, Jeanne Shaheen
2
1
New Jersey
Christine Todd Whitman
1
1
New Mexico
---
0
0
New York
---
0
0
North Carolina
Beverly Perdue
1
1
North Dakota
---
0
0
Ohio
Nancy Hollister*
1
0
Oklahoma
---
0
0
Oregon
Barbara Roberts
1
1
Pennsylvania
---
0
0
Rhode Island
---
0
0
South Carolina
---
0
0
South Dakota
---
0
0
Tennessee
---
0
0
Texas
Miriam Ferguson, Ann Richards
2
2
Utah
Olene Smith Walker*
1
0
Vermont
Madeleine M. Kunin
1
1
Virginia
---
0
0
Washington
Dixy Lee Ray,Christine Gregoire
2
2
West Virginia
---
0
0
Wisconsin
---
0
0
Wyoming
Nellie Tayloe Ross
1
1
Total
 
31
25
* Was never elected to the office of Governor.

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Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Joe Wilson Received Nearly Twice the Contributions Per Capita from McCain States Over Obama States in Q3 2009

As has been widely reported since the new quarterly fundraising data was released by the FEC late last week, South Carolina Republican Congressman Joe Wilson notched a jaw-dropping $2.69 million in contributions to his 2010 reelection campaign.

Wilson gained recent notoriety in some circles for his "You lie" outburst last September 9th during President Barack Obama's address to a joint session of Congress on health care reform, but the 5-term Congressman also inspired a groundswell of support from around the country in the form of small and large donor individual contributions for his reelection campaign next year.

A Smart Politics analysis of the nearly 1,200 itemized individual donors who sent Wilson contributions in the third quarter of 2009 finds that states that voted for John McCain in the 2008 presidential election contributed 83 percent more money per capita than those who supported Barack Obama.

McCain states contributed an average of $271.98 per 100,000 residents compared to just $148.45 per 100,000 residents in Obama states. An average of $187.07 per 100,000 residents nationwide sent in large donor ($200+ contributions) to Wilson last quarter.

Even after excluding the $95,300 raised by Wilson in South Carolina, McCain states (at $179.33 per 100,000 residents) still contributed at a 20.8 percent higher rate to Wilson than Obama states (at $148.45).

Overall, Wilson's itemized large donor funding was up 710 percent from the 2nd quarter of 2009 - from $70,252 to $568,794. While that is a huge boost, it is only a slice of the vast increase he experienced in unitemized (small donor) contributions that poured in from around the country (up 23,004 percent - from $8,945 to $2,066,644).

While the state-by-state details of unitemized contributions are not available through the FEC reports, such information can be gleaned from the big money donors.

Wilson received $311,562 in such funds to his campaign in the 28 states that voted for Barack Obama plus the District of Columbia. The Congressman received $256,182 across the 22 states that voted for John McCain (an additional $1,050 came from U.S. territories and unidentified locales).

Because Obama states have a more than 2:1 population advantage over McCain states, the per capita contributions to Wilson were much higher in the McCain states ($271.98) than the Obama states ($148.45).

· Nearly 17 percent of these funds came from Wilson's home state of South Carolina, which led the way with the highest net and per capita contributions this quarter ($2,127 per 100,000 residents). At $95,300, that marked a 94 percent increase from the second quarter ($49,001) of this year. Wilson raised just $13,300 from South Carolina residents in itemized individual donations in the first quarter of 2009.

· Another red state, Oklahoma, had the second highest per capita rate of contribution, at $422 per 100,000 residents. The Sooner State tallied $15,375 in large donor contributions during the three-month period.

· Rounding out the top five were two Obama states - Florida, at $347 per 100,000 residents, and Virginia, at $325 - and the District of Columbia, at $312.

Virginia and D.C. were two of the few places from which Wilson received out-of-state contributions during the first two quarters of the year, when he was a largely anonymous Congressman around most of the country. Wilson received 31 percent of the $47,151 he tallied in large donor out-of-state individual contributions from January through June of 2009 in Virginia ($14,850). Another $11,550 came from California (24.5 percent) and $8,201 from D.C (17.4 percent) during that six-month period.

In absolute dollars, the leading contributors to the Wilson campaign in the third quarter of this year were South Carolina ($95,300), Texas ($72,449), California ($66,070), Florida ($63,750), Virginia ($25,300), and Pennsylvania ($20,200). Overall, 60.3 percent of Wilson's large donor contributions poured in from these six states.

But Wilson's comments did not mobilize many large donors in some corners of the United States. In fact, no resident of Hawaii or Vermont gave Wilson any contributions of $200 or more in the third quarter - the only two states that failed to do so.

North and South Dakota were the two McCain states apparently least enamored by Wilson and his outburst at the President - ranking #47 and #48 in per capita contributions to his campaign. Only one contribution of $250 came in from each of these Upper Midwestern states.

In an interesting development, special interest PAC money was actually down for Wilson in the 3rd quarter by nearly half from the previous quarter - from $109,500 to $58,000. Whether or not Wilson's controversial comment last month is scaring off organizational money in the long term remains to be seen in future fundraising cycles.

Itemized Individual Contributions to Joe Wilson by State, Q3 2009

Rank
State
Amount
%
Per 100,000
2008 vote
1
South Carolina
$95,300
16.75
$2,127.33
McCain
2
Oklahoma
$15,375
2.70
$422.12
McCain
3
Florida
$63,750
11.21
$347.82
Obama
4
Virginia
$25,300
4.45
$325.65
Obama
5
District of Columbia
$1,850
0.33
$312.59
Obama
6
Texas
$72,449
12.74
$297.81
McCain
7
Nevada
$6,800
1.20
$261.52
Obama
8
Arizona
$15,901
2.80
$244.62
McCain
9
Delaware
$2,000
0.35
$229.07
Obama
10
Louisiana
$8,850
1.56
$200.64
McCain
11
New Mexico
$3,800
0.67
$191.50
Obama
12
Wyoming
$1,000
0.18
$187.73
McCain
13
Alaska
$1,250
0.22
$182.14
McCain
14
Colorado
$8,936
1.57
$180.90
Obama
15
Montana
$1,750
0.31
$180.89
McCain
16
Idaho
$2,750
0.48
$180.47
McCain
17
California
$66,070
11.62
$179.75
Obama
18
New Hampshire
$2,250
0.40
$171.00
Obama
19
Pennsylvania
$20,200
3.55
$162.27
Obama
20
Ohio
$17,700
3.11
$154.10
Obama
21
West Virginia
$2,750
0.48
$151.56
McCain
22
Maryland
$8,000
1.41
$142.01
Obama
23
Tennessee
$8,100
1.42
$130.33
McCain
24
New Jersey
$10,506
1.85
$121.00
Obama
25
Minnesota
$6,300
1.11
$120.68
Obama
26
Kansas
$3,300
0.58
$117.77
McCain
27
Washington
$7,450
1.31
$113.75
Obama
28
Illinois
$14,100
2.48
$109.29
Obama
29
Alabama
$4,856
0.85
$104.16
McCain
30
Connecticut
$3,550
0.62
$101.39
Obama
31
Rhode Island
$1,000
0.18
$95.17
Obama
32
Iowa
$2,800
0.49
$93.25
Obama
33
Utah
$2,500
0.44
$91.36
McCain
34
North Carolina
$7,800
1.37
$84.58
Obama
35
Nebraska
$1,500
0.26
$84.11
McCain
36
Georgia
$8,000
1.41
$82.60
McCain
37
Missouri
$4,550
0.80
$76.97
McCain
38
Wisconsin
$4,250
0.75
$75.52
Obama
39
New York
$13,900
2.44
$71.32
Obama
40
Massachusetts
$4,050
0.71
$62.33
Obama
41
Arkansas
$1,751
0.31
$61.32
McCain
42
Maine
$800
0.14
$60.77
Obama
43
Kentucky
$2,300
0.40
$53.87
McCain
44
Mississippi
$1,450
0.25
$49.34
McCain
45
Michigan
$4,500
0.79
$44.98
Obama
46
Indiana
$2,750
0.48
$43.13
Obama
47
North Dakota
$250
0.04
$38.97
McCain
48
South Dakota
$250
0.04
$31.09
McCain
49
Oregon
$1,150
0.20
$30.34
Obama
50
Hawaii
$0
0.00
$0.00
Obama
50
Vermont
$0
0.00
$0.00
Obama
 
Other
$1,050
0.18
 
 
 
Total
$568,794
100.0
$187.07
 
Per capita data based on 2008 U.S. Census population estimates. FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

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Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Walz Has Largest Percentage of Contributions from In-State Donors; Ellison the Lowest

Ellison Also Raises More Money from Californians Than Minnesotans for the Second Consecutive Quarter

For the third consecutive quarter, DFL Congressman Tim Walz relied more on "home grown" individual itemized (i.e. "large donor") contributions than any of the Gopher State's eight U.S. Representatives.

At 83.0 percent, Walz raised more of his $200+ quarterly individual contributions from Minnesotans than any of his fellow members of the state's U.S. House delegation. Walz also had the largest percentage of individual itemized contributions from Minnesota in Q2 (93.3 percent) and Q1 (92.8 percent).

Republican Erik Paulsen raised 78.9 percent of such contributions from in-state in the third quarter for his campaign, with fellow GOPer John Kline at 78.7 percent, DFLer Betty McCollum at 74.8 percent, and Republican Michele Bachmann at 59.3 percent.

In-State Itemized Individual Contributions to Minnesota U.S. House Delegation, Q3 2009

Rank
U.S. Representative
#
Amount
Average
%
1
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
116
$44,195
$380.99
83.0
2
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
212
$168,549
$795.04
78.9
3
John Kline (R-02)
103
$65,450
$635.44
78.7
4
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
86
$33,195
$385.99
74.8
5
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
198
$71,055
$358.86
59.3
6
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
4
$2,250
$562.50
17.0
7
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
31
$12,550
$404.84
13.9
8
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
25
$7,950
$318.00
10.6
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

Paulsen actually raised the most net money from Minnesotans in individual itemized contributions for the quarter, as well as for the year to date. Paulsen has raised $461,979 in large donor contributions from Gopher State residents thus far in 2009, with Bachmann second ($296,705), Kline third ($217,040), and Walz fourth ($186,815).

Despite raising nearly $165,000 less than Paulsen in in-state individual itemized contributions for the year, Bachmann (at 556 donors) and Paulsen (at 557 donors) have had virtually the same number of such financial contributors.

The difference, however, is that the donations Bachmann has received from Gopher State residents have been in much more modest amounts (averaging $533.64) compared to Paulsen (averaging $829.41).

This reflects the general trend that Smart Politics has documented all year that Bachmann's support is much more 'grassroots' and from 'the folks' than any other Minnesota U.S. Representative. (With nearly half of Bachmann's individual contributions coming in the form of unitemized, small-donor amounts).

In-State Itemized Individual Contributions to Minnesota U.S. House Delegation, January - September 2009

Rank
U.S. Representative
#
Amount
Average
%
1
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
332
$186,815
$562.70
90.5
2
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
557
$461,979
$829.41
85.8
3
John Kline (R-02)
253
$217,040
$857.87
79.3
4
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
556
$296,705
$533.64
70.2
5
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
172
$67,420
$391.98
69.3
6
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
50
$24,336
$486.72
38.0
7
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
69
$31,000
$449.28
15.8
8
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
81
$28,192
$348.05
10.0
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

On the flip side, DFLers Collin Peterson and Jim Oberstar only raised 17.0 percent and 13.9 percent of their individual itemized funds from Minnesotans in the third quarter respectively - not an unusual occurrence for U.S. Representatives with the status (and contacts) such House Committee chairs receive on the national stage. As observed by Smart Politics this summer, Oberstar actually received 100 percent of his large donor individual contributions from out-of-state in the second quarter of this year.

But the Minnesota U.S. Representative who received the lowest amount of home grown financial support from itemized individual donors this past quarter was Keith Ellison. Only 10.6 percent of Ellison's Q3 2009 itemized individual contributions came from Minnesota with 89.4 percent coming from out of state.

Ellison also received the largest percentage of out-of-state big money donors from the Minnesota delegation in the first quarter of the year (83.2 percent) and the second largest in the second quarter (80.4 percent), including 90 percent from outside of his 5th CD.

For the year, Ellison has raised money from the largest number of out-of-state big money donors (290) and 84.2 percent of his itemized individual campaign funds have come from outside the Gopher State, second only to Oberstar at 90.0 percent. Oberstar has collected the most funds, at $253,300.

Out of State Itemized Individual Contributions to Minnesota U.S. House Delegation, January - September 2009

Rank
U.S. Representative
#
Amount
Average
%
1
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
278
$253,300
$911.15
90.0
2
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
290
$164,885
$568.57
84.2
3
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
59
$39,630
$671.70
62.0
4
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
42
$29,850
$710.71
30.7
5
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
285
$125,986
$441.95
29.8
6
John Kline (R-02)
61
$56,525
$926.64
20.7
7
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
81
$76,685
$946.73
14.2
8
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
21
$19,699
$938.05
9.5
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

But what is most striking about the yearly campaign finance numbers is that Ellison continues to raise money from Californians at nearly twice the pace from those in his home state.

In 2009, Ellison has raised $57,290 in individual itemized contributions from California, or 29.2 percent of his total large donor contributions. That is $26,000+ more than he has raised this year from Minnesotans ($31,000 or 15.8 percent).

Ellison has raised more money in California than Minnesota in each of the last two quarters. In the third quarter he raised $9,990 in California versus $7,950 in Minnesota. In the second quarter he raised $44,050 in California and just $18,650 in the Gopher State.

Rep. Ellison also raised more money in California than Minnesota in Q3 2007, Q4 2007, and Q1 2008, making the Golden State a bigger financial backer of Ellison than the Gopher State in 5 of the last 9 quarters.

In the third quarter of 2009, Ellison also received more in campaign contributions from individuals in New York ($18,500), Michigan ($11,050), and New Jersey ($10,800) than from those in Minnesota.

Keith Ellison Itemized Individual Campaign Contributions, January-September 2009

State
Total
Percent
California
$57,290.00
29.2
Minnesota
$31,000.00
15.8
Michigan
$24,550.00
12.5
New York
$18,750.00
9.6
New Jersey
$10,800.00
5.5
South Carolina
$9,850.00
5.0
District of Columbia
$8,100.00
4.1
Massachusetts
$7,800.00
4.0
Virginia
$6,350.00
3.2
Texas
$4,395.00
2.2
Florida
$4,025.00
2.1
Arizona
$3,800.00
1.9
Illinois
$3,125.00
1.6
Colorado
$1,250.00
0.6
Connecticut
$1,000.00
0.5
Ohio
$800.00
0.4
Delaware
$500.00
0.3
Maryland
$500.00
0.3
Nevada
$500.00
0.3
Wisconsin
$500.00
0.3
Georgia
$250.00
0.1
Louisiana
$250.00
0.1
North Carolina
$250.00
0.1
Pennsylvania
$250.00
0.1
Total
$195,885.00
100.0
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

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Monday, October 19, 2009

Bachmann Continues to Lead Minnesota Congressional Delegation Fundraising from 'Regular Folks'

For yet another fundraising cycle, Congresswoman Michele Bachmann continues to lead the Minnesota U.S. House delegation in several key facets, beyond the obvious fact that she has raised the most funds in 2009 among the state's eight U.S. House members.

The Republican Representative, who led the Gopher State by receiving $345,132 in contributions in the third quarter of 2009, received more than 90 percent of her campaign funds this quarter from individuals, with only 9.1 percent coming from political action committees (PACs).

Bachmann has raised a larger percentage of her campaign funds from individuals than any member of the Minnesota delegation in each quarter this year - with that percentage increasing each quarter: from 80.4 percent in Q1, to 81.4 percent in Q2, to 90.9 percent in Q3.

DFLer Keith Ellison raised the second largest percentage from individuals, with 79.0 percent of his $135,590 Q3 2009 funds coming from individuals and 21.0 percent from PACs.

Minnesota Representatives who were more reliant on PAC money last quarter include DFLers Collin Peterson (78.5 percent), Betty McCollum (51.8 percent), and Jim Oberstar (35.0 percent) and Republican John Kline (40.8 percent).

Since the beginning of the year, over 84 percent of Bachmann's funds have come from individuals, far more than any of her fellow Minnesota U.S. House members.

At $797,883, Bachmann has raised nearly $200,000 more from individuals than the nearest Gopher State U.S. Representative, Rep. Erik Paulsen at $603,847, and more than $475,000 greater than the nearest DFLer (Rep. Jim Oberstar at $321,603).

Amount and Percentage of 2009 Campaign Funds Raised from Individuals by Minnesota U.S. Representatives

Rank
U.S. Representative
Amount
Percent
1
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
$797,883
84.5
2
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
$253,110
69.2
3
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
$603,847
67.4
4
John Kline (R-02)
$330,452
63.0
5
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
$292,455
62.6
6
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
$321,603
51.5
7
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
$134,536
42.9
8
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
$95,917
24.0
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

By contrast, only 15.4 percent of Bachmann's funds in 2009 have come from special interest PAC money, and, at $145,725, that is the second lowest amount among the Minnesota U.S. House delegation.

Committee Chairs Collin Peterson ($303,850) and Jim Oberstar ($302,400) have raised more than twice that amount from special interests.

Amount and Percentage of 2009 Campaign Funds Raised from PACs by Minnesota U.S. Representatives

Rank
U.S. Representative
Amount
Percent
1
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
$303,850
76.0
2
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
$179,182
57.1
3
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
$302,400
48.5
4
John Kline (R-02)
$194,150
37.0
5
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
$291,301
32.5
6
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
$112,516
30.8
7
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
$171,299
36.7
8
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
$145,725
15.4
FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

And just who are these individuals contributing to Bachmann?

As outlined in previous analyses by Smart Politics for Quarter 1 and Quarter 2, Bachmann is receiving a larger percentage (and gross amount) of her funds from small contributors - those 'regular folks' donating less than $200 for the cycle-to-date - than any member of the Minnesota U.S. House delegation.

That pattern has continued into the third quarter of 2009.

In fact, Bachmann is relying more and more on small donations to fund her campaign than ever before. In the third quarter, 61.8 percent of individual contributions to Bachmann were from small donations - up from 43.6 percent in Q2 and 31.8 percent in Q1.

These small, unitemized donations have totaled $375,222 for Congresswoman Bachmann in 2009 - which is more than the total small donor contributions made by individuals to all seven other members of the Minnesota U.S. House delegation combined ($374,594).

The $375,000+ raised by Bachmann from small donors is also more than the total individual (large donor and small donor) funds received by Walz, Kline, McCollum, Ellison, Peterson, and Oberstar respectively.

Amount and Percentage of 2009 Campaign Funds Raised from Small Donor (Unitemized) Individuals by Minnesota U.S. Representatives

Rank
U.S. Representative
Amount
Percent
1
Michele Bachmann (R-06)
$375,222
47.0
2
Collin Peterson (DFL-07)
$31,951
33.3
3
Tim Walz (DFL-01)
$85,941
29.4
4
Betty McCollum (DFL-04)
$37,266
27.7
5
Keith Ellison (DFL-05)
$57,255
22.6
6
John Kline (R-02)
$56,887
17.2
7
Jim Oberstar (DFL-08)
$40,111
12.5
8
Erik Paulsen (R-03)
$65,183
10.8
Far right column denotes the percentage of small donor individual contributions as a percentage of total individual contributions. FEC data compiled by Smart Politics.

And as for Bachmann's 6th District DFL hopefuls?

State Senator Tarryl Clark - who launched her campaign in late July - raised 39.6 percent of individual campaign contributions from small donors ($102,867), while Maureen Reed raised only 9.6 percent from small donors ($12,960).

Because small donor contributions are unitemized, it is impossible to glean from the FEC reports from where these contributions are being sent. Rep. Bachmann's prominence on the national cable TV news circuit suggests that a large amount may be coming in from out of state, as she becomes a leading national conservative figure.

However, the big money contributions that are pouring into the coffers of Minnesota's U.S. Representatives are itemized, and Smart Politics will analyze from where that money is coming in the next installment.

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Friday, October 16, 2009

Bachmann Raises $29,000 on Day 2 of 'Send a Message to the Left' Campaign

On the heels of an announcment Thursday that Republican Congresswoman Michele Bachmann raised $345,000 during the third quarter of 2009, the staunch conservative from Minnesota's 6th District has now raised $118,093 in just two days through her new "Send a Message to the Left" campaign.

Bachmann raised $89,000 on Wednesday when the new fundraising drive was launched - buoyed by appearances on Glenn Beck's radio and TV programs - and an additional $29,000 as of midnight on Thursday evening.

Bachmann is appealing to supporters in this new campaign on the basis that, "Speaker Pelosi has made me her number one target to defeat next year. She wants me gone."

Congresswoman Bachmann had averaged gross campaign contributions of $3,750 per day during the third quarter of 2009, compared to $3,133 in the second quarter and $3,485 in the first quarter of the year.

Integrating the power of the traditional media (radio and TV appearances with Beck) with the new media (online fundraising and promotion through her website, Facebook, and Twitter), the $118,093 two-day haul by Bachmann nearly equals the entire amount raised during the third quarter of 2009 by one of her high profile DFL challengers - Maureen Reed ($130,000).

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Friday, October 16, 2009

'Cautionary' Drop in September Minnesota Unemployment Rate Is Largest in Decades

Department of Employment and Economic Development (DEED) Commissioner Dan McElroy and State Economist Tom Stinson were very cautious in their outlook of the Gopher State's jobs situation after DEED released new numbers on Thursday that showed Minnesota's seasonally adjusted unemployment rate had dropped from 8.0 percent in August to 7.3 percent in September.

But if, as Stinson warned, the September numbers might be a statistical anomaly, oh, what an anomaly they would be.

A Smart Politics historical analysis of unemployment data over the last four decades finds the 0.7-point drop from August to September to be the largest percentage point decline in jobless claims since at least January 1976.

The largest previous drop in unemployment during this span in Minnesota had been 0.5 points, when jobless claims fell from 5.0 to 4.5 percent in March to April of 2004.

In fact, on only seven occasions during the past 33+ years had the monthly unemployment rate fallen by 0.4 points or more.

Largest Percentage Point Reduction in Minnesota Unemployment Rate, 1976-2009

Rank
Period
From
To
Change
1
August-September 2009
8.0
7.3
-0.7
2
March-April 2004
5.0
4.5
-0.5
3
January-February 1976
6.2
5.8
-0.4
3
June-July 1981
5.9
5.5
-0.4
3
June-July 1983
8.0
7.6
-0.4
3
January-February 1984
6.9
6.5
-0.4
3
March-April 1987
5.4
5.0
-0.4
3
December 1977-January 1978
4.6
4.2
-0.4
Bureau of Labor Statistics seasonally adjusted unemployment data compiled by Smart Politics.

Moreover, the reported decline in jobless claims of 8.8 percent from August to September is also the third largest percent drop during this span. Only the March-April 2004 decrease in unemployment of 10.0 percent and the October-November 1998 decline of 9.7 percent have been larger.

Largest Percent Reduction in Minnesota Unemployment Rate, 1976-2009

Rank
Period
From
To
Change
1
March-April 2004
5.0
4.5
-10.0
2
October-November 1998
3.1
2.8
-9.7
3
August-September 2009
8.0
7.3
-8.8
4
December 1977-January 1978
4.6
4.2
-8.7
5
April-May 1997
3.7
3.4
-8.1
6
March-April 1987
5.4
5.0
-7.4
7
February-March 1978
4.1
3.8
-7.3
8
March-April 1998
2.8
2.6
-7.1
8
November-December 1998
2.8
2.6
-7.1
Bureau of Labor Statistics seasonally adjusted unemployment data compiled by Smart Politics.

To put further into perspective just how much of an anomaly a 0.7-point drop in unemployment is in the Gopher State, Smart Politics examined the frequency of percentage point changes in unemployment across the last 400+ months since January 1976.

In more than two-thirds of the cases (68.3 percent, or 276 of the 404 months), the unemployment rate either remained flat (105 months), declined by 0.1 points (92 months), or increased by 0.1 points (79 months).

In 95 percent of the cases (385 months) the unemployment rate ranged from a decrease of 0.3 points to an increase in 0.3 points.

This highlights why the September numbers are so eye-popping and a little too good to inspire Commission McElroy and State Economist Stinson to have strong confidence that they accurately reflect the current jobs situation in the Gopher State.

Frequency of Net Change in Minnesota Unemployment Rate, 1976-2009

Change
Months
Percent
-0.7
1
0.2
-0.6
0
0.0
-0.5
1
0.2
-0.4
6
1.5
-0.3
15
3.7
-0.2
40
9.9
-0.1
92
22.8
0.0
105
26.0
+0.1
79
19.6
+0.2
33
8.2
+0.3
21
5.2
+0.4
4
1.0
+0.5
5
1.2
+0.6
1
0.2
+0.7
0
0.0
+0.8
0
0.0
+0.9
0
0.0
+1.0
1
0.2
Bureau of Labor Statistics seasonally adjusted unemployment data compiled by Smart Politics.

However, in a sign that the Upper Midwestern economy generally might be heading in the right direction, it was announced on Thursday that the unemployment rate also dropped in South Dakota in September, from 4.9 to 4.8 percent, as well as in Wisconsin, from 8.8 to 8.3 percent.

The 0.5-point drop in Wisconsin was tied for the 7th largest on record in the Badger State since 1976.

Unemployment data will be released in the coming days in Iowa and North Dakota.

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Thursday, October 15, 2009

Bachmann 'Sends a Message to the Left': Raises $89,000 in One Day

If anyone wondered just how Minnesota Congresswoman Michele Bachmann would respond to the impressive fundraising numbers released earlier this week by DFL hopefuls Maureen Reed and, especially, State Senator Tarryl Clark, that question was answered on Wednesday.

Beginning with a new fundraising campaign on her website Wednesday morning entitled, "Send a Message to the Left," a morning appearance on Glenn Beck's radio show, and a Twitter campaign that updated her followers as to how much money she was raising, Congresswoman Bachmann generated an astounding $89,000 from her supporters in one day.

To put that in context, Bachmann raised $313,685 in 90 days from January through March of this year, or an average of $3,485 per day (leading the Minnesota U.S. House delegation) and $285,125 in 91 days from April through June, or $3,133 per day (placing her second in the state delegation behind fellow GOPer Erik Paulsen).

In other words, Bachmann spiked her average 2009 daily fundraising tally by more than 25-fold on Wednesday.

Appealing to Beck's listeners that U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has made her the #1 GOP target to beat in 2010, Bachmann got in three plugs to her campaign website on the radio show and, perhaps more importantly, this following comment from Beck: "We should have a fundraiser for you."

Whether or not a Beck fundraiser pans out, Bachmann had, even before today, already demonstrated a talent for raising money for her campaign, particularly from individuals and small donors.

In her new fundraising campaign, Bachmann uses ads with headlines such as, "Tell Big Sister Pelosi & Big Brother Reid to Leave You Alone!" and "Help Michele Stop Nancy Pelosi's Tax and Spend Agenda" - the former slogan appealing to a new libertarian streak that is running through Bachmann's campaign.

On Beck's radio show, Bachmann railed against the government takeover of health care and federal funding of ACORN - telling his listeners to "melt the phone lines every day" of the members of Congress to express their discontent. Regarding her stances on these high profile issues, the Congresswoman stated, "That's why Speaker Pelosi has made me her number one target to defeat next year. She wants me gone next year."

As one of the rising conservative voices in the country, Bachmann has catapulted herself into a frequent guest on the cable TV news circuit, particularly on FOX News, but she's also got the attention of the traditional media, such as today's article in the New York Times: G.O.P. Has a Lightning Rod, and It's Not Palin.

Bachmann also appeared later in the day on Beck's FOX News television program to discuss the ACORN issue and the Community Reinvestment Act, whereupon she reiterated that she was a top target of Nancy Pelosi.

A Smart Politics analysis of Bachmann's third quarter fundraising, and as well as the rest of Minnesota's U.S. House members, will be released later this month.

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Wednesday, October 14, 2009

Pathway to the Governor's Mansion in Minnesota, Part II: Where Are Political Careers Launched?

In the first report on the pathway to the governor's mansion, Smart Politics documented the political experience Minnesota's 38 governors have had en route to becoming the chief executive of the Gopher State. Nearly 80 percent had served in state government before getting elected, with a plurality serving in the state senate. Just over one-third of governors had also previously served at more than one level of government.

In today's report, Smart Politics examines the geographic pathway to the governor's mansion. From where were Minnesota's governors born? Where did they launch their political careers? How many hailed from the metro region as opposed to outstate?

Historically, Minnesotans have been quite welcoming to politicians born outside of its borders (well before former New Yorker Norm Coleman became Mayor of St. Paul and then U.S. Senator), with only 14 of its 38 governors born in the Gopher State.

Naturally, as the Minnesota Territory and later the State of Minnesota was being settled in the mid- and late 19th Century, the percentage of residents born outside its borders was quite high, and thus the pool of candidates was more saturated with those born outside of Minnesota.

In fact, the first 15 governors of the Gopher State were born outside of Minnesota, as well as 19 of the first 20. John Johnson (1905-1909) was the first such native Minnesotan, born in Saint Peter.

Overall, four Minnesota Governors were born outside of the United States - all from Scandinavia: Knute Nelson (1893-1895) from Norway, John Lind (1899-1901) and Adolph Eberhart (1909-1915) from Sweden, and Hjalmar Petersen (1936-1937) from Denmark.

But even in the 20th Century, several governors were elected despite not having been born in the Gopher State, including Arne Carlson (New York), Harold LeVander (Nebraska), Elmer Anderson (Illinois), and Edward Thye (South Dakota). (LeVander and Thye later grew up in Minnesota).

The historical record shows it is much less important where a politician is born and much more important where one settles and launches a political career. Exactly half of the state's 38 governors hailed from the metro area prior to becoming governor, with 19 coming from outstate.

Thirteen governors launched their political careers in Minneapolis (7) or St. Paul (6) proper, with another six in what is now the greater metro region. By contrast, only five governors were actually born in Minneapolis (Jesse Ventura, Orville Freeman, Luther Youngdahl, Floyd Olson) or St. Paul (Wendell Anderson) with only two born in the suburbs (Tim Pawlenty, Harold Stassen).

Of those 19 governors who launched their political careers from outside the metro region, the vast majority (12) came from the south central (7) and southeast (5) regions of the state, including four from Saint Peter: Henry Swift (1863-1864), Horace Austin (1870-1874), Andrew McGill (1887-1889), and John Johnson (1905-1909). (Note: Swift was never elected governor; he became governor when Alexander Ramsey resigned to become U.S. Senator). Two more governors came from Northfield: Edward Thye (1943-1947) and Karl Rolvaag (1963-1967).

An additional four governors have hailed from the central region of the state: Steven Miller of St. Cloud (1864-1866), Knute Nelson of Alexandria (1893-1895), Hjalmar Petersen of Askov (1936-1937), and C. Elmer Anderson of Brainerd (1951-1955).

Only two governors have hailed from the western part of Minnesota - Theodore Christiansen from Dawson (1925-1931) and Elmer Benson of Appleton (1937-1939) - and just one from the northern region - Rudy Perpich of Hibbing (1976-1979, 1983-1991).

And as for the current crop of 2010 hopefuls? Geographically, they represent a much more homogenous region of the state as compared to the 38 governors who have been elected.

Of the main 17 Republican and DFL candidates running or exploring a run for governor, 11 launched their political careers in the metro region, with three others (Mike Jungbauer, East Bethel; Tom Emmer, Delano; Paul Kohls, Victoria) just a stone's throw outside the greater metro area.

Only three of the main candidates hail from greater Minnesota - former GOP House Minority Leader Marty Seifert in the West (Marshall) and DFL Representatives Tom Rukavina (Virginia) and Tom Bakk (Cook) in the North. (GOPer Phil Herwig also comes from outstate).

Four 2010 candidates were born outside of the Gopher State: DFLers John Marty (Illinois) and Matt Entenza (California) and GOPers Tom Emmer (Indiana) and Bill Haas (California).

Birthplace and Launching of Political Careers of Minnesota's 38 Governors

Governor
Years
Born
Launched
Region
Tim Pawlenty
2003-
South St. Paul
Eagan
Metro
Jesse Ventura
1999-2003
Minneapolis
Maple Grove
Metro
Arne Carlson
1991-1999
New York
Minneapolis
Metro
Al Quie
1979-1983
Dennison
Dennison
South
Rudy Perpich
1976-1979, 1983-1991
Carson Lake
Hibbing
North
Wendell Anderson
1971-1976
St. Paul
St. Paul
Metro
Harold LeVander
1967-1971
Nebraska
South St. Paul
Metro
Kark Rolvaag
1963-1967
Northfield
Northfield
South
Elmer Andersen
1961-1963
Illinois
St. Paul
Metro
Orville Freeman
1955-1961
Minneapolis
Minneapolis
Metro
C. Elmer Anderson
1951-1955
Brainerd
Brainerd
Central
Luther Youngdahl
1947-1951
Minneapolis
Minneapolis
Metro
Edward Thye
1943-1947
South Dakota
Northfield
South
Harold Stassen
1939-1943
West Saint Paul
South St. Paul
Metro
Elmer Benson
1937-1939
Appleton
Appleton
West
Hjalmar Petersen
1936-1937
Denmark
Askov
Central
Floyd Olson
1931-1936
Minneapolis
Minneapolis
Metro
Theodore Christianson
1925-1931
Lac Qui Parle Township
Dawson
West
J.A.O. Preus
1921-1925
Wisconsin
Minneapolis
Metro
J.A.A. Burnquist
1915-1921
Iowa
St. Paul
Metro
Winfield Hammond
1915-1915
Massachusetts
St. James
South
Adolph Eberhart
1909-1915
Sweden
Mankato
South
John Johnson
1905-1909
Saint Peter
Saint Peter
South
Samuel Van Sant
1901-1905
Illinois
Winona
South
John Lind
1899-1901
Sweden
New Ulm
South
David Clough
1895-1899
New Hampshire
Minneapolis
Metro
Knute Nelson
1893-1895
Norway
Alexandria
Central
William Merriam
1889-1893
New York
St. Paul
Metro
Andrew McGill
1887-1889
Pennsylvania
Saint Peter
South
Lucius Hubbard
1882-1887
New York
Red Wing
South
John Pillsbury
1876-1882
New Hampshire
Minneapolis
Metro
Cushman Davis
1874-1876
New York
St. Paul
Metro
Horace Austin
1870-1874
Connecticut
Saint Peter
South
William Marshall
1866-1870
Missouri
Saint Anthony
Metro
Stephen Miller
1864-1866
Pennsylvania
St. Cloud
Central
Henry Swift
1863-1864
Ohio
Saint Peter
South
Alexander Ramsey
1860-1863
Pennsylvania
St. Paul
Metro
Henry Sibley
1858-1860
Michigan
Mendota
Metro
Note: Table denotes the launching of political careers in Minnesota politics. A few governors had political careers in other states before moving to Minnesota. Compiled by Smart Politics.

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Tuesday, October 13, 2009

Pathway to the Governor's Mansion in Minnesota, Part I: Political Experience

With nearly 20 announced or likely candidates under the DFL and Republican Party banners for the 2010 race for Governor of Minnesota, most gubernatorial hopefuls will doubtlessly be touting the political experience on their resume as they seek to win their respective party's nomination next year (or make their case to the voters in the primary should they not abide by the nomination process).

To be sure, this election cycle's crop of candidates do offer significant experience in elected or appointed office: a former US Senator, a former State Auditor, several former or current Minnesota State Senators, Minnesota State Representatives, mayors, city council members, a county attorney, a former school board member, a former assistant Attorney General etc.

But what is the right political experience? What is the clearest pathway to the governor's mansion?

Smart Politics examined the previous political offices held by each of Minnesota's 38 governors before they became governor of the Gopher State. Like the candidates running in 2010, their background offers a mix of federal, state, and local governmental experience prior to becoming Governor of Minnesota.

A survey of this historical record finds one common ingredient in the political background of most governors is, not surprisingly, prior state governmental experience. Overall, 79 percent of Minnesota's governors (30 of 38) had some form of state government experience before becoming governor, including five of the last six governors dating back to Wendell Anderson in the early 1970s. (The exception during this era being Jesse Venutra).

Interestingly, 79 percent of the Republican and DFL candidates seeking election in 2010 (15 of 19) also have state governmental experience: Mark Dayton, Tom Bakk, Steve Kelley, Margaret Anderson Kelliher, John Marty, Tom Rukavina, Paul Thissen, Paul Kohls, Marty Seifert, Matt Entenza, Pat Anderson, Tom Emmer, Bill Haas, David Hann, and Mike Jungbauer.

Fourteen governors of the Gopher State, however, had held positions at more than one level of government, with the most common pathway being service in both the local and state government. This pathway was taken by nine Minnesota governors.

Two recent examples of this model are Tim Pawlenty and Arne Carlson - each of whom served on city councils (in Eagan and Minneapolis respectively), as well in the state legislature (Carlson was also elected State Auditor).

The other seven governors using local and state governmental positions as stepping stones to the governor's mansion are Luther Youngdahl (1947-1951), Hjalmar Petersen (1936-1937), Theodore Christianson (1925-1931), David Clough (1895-1889), Knute Nelson (1893-1895), Andrew McGill (1887-1889), and John Pillsbury (1876-1882). (Note: Petersen was never elected Governor; as Lieutenant Governor he took office after Governor Floyd Olson's death).

Of the current crop of candidates for 2010, seven have state and local governmental experience: Pat Anderson , Tom Emmer, Matt Entenza, Bill Haas, Tom Rukavina, David Hann, and Mike Jungbauer.

Four governors, meanwhile, have served in both state and federal governmental positions prior to their gubernatorial victory: Al Quie (a U.S. Representative and State Senator), Elmer Benson (an appointed U.S. Senator and Commissioner of Securities), Cushman Davis (a U.S. District Attorney and State Representative), and the Gopher State's first Governor, Henry Sibley (a Territorial Delegate to Congress and a Territorial House Representative).

One 2010 candidate, Mark Dayton, follows this model - having served as both State Auditor and U.S. Senator.

Only one Minnesota Governor had served at three levels of government: Alexander Ramsey, the state's second Governor, had previously served as U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania, Territorial Governor of Minnesota, and Mayor of St. Paul. (Note: territorial governors were selected via federal (presidential) appointments, but their jurisdiction is 'state-esque').

In total, 30 governors had held state governmental posts prior to becoming governor, 13 had held local governmental positions, and 7 had held federal posts.

And the eight Minnesota governors who were State Capitol 'outsiders?' They are: Jesse Ventura, Harold LeVander, Orville Freeman, Harold Stassen, Floyd Olson, Winfield Hammond, John Lind, and Stephen Miller.

Three of these governors held no prior notable governmental experience: LeVander (1967-1971), Freeman (1955-1961), and Miller (1864-1866). Freeman, however, was deeply involved in politics, presiding as DFL Party Chairman and Secretary during his pre-gubernatorial years.

Prior Political Experience of Minnesota Governors by Level of Government

Level of government
# of Governors
State
16
State + local
9
Federal + state
4
Local
3
Federal
2
Federal + State + Local
1
None
3
Total
38
Note: Governor Rudy Perpich, the 34th and 36th Governor of Minnesota, is counted only once.

The current crop of 2010 candidates is, of course, heavily populated by current or former members of the state legislature. In fact, more than half of the GOP and DFL candidates (10) are current or former members of the State House of Representatives, with five having served in the State Senate.

Not coincidentally, serving in the Minnesota legislature is a common pathway to the Governor's mansion - 11 Governors had served in the State Senate and 9 had served in the State House prior to being elected governor.

Another historical pathway to the governorship that was once commonly traversed in Minnesota, but was not taken by any of the 2010 hopefuls, is getting elected to the office of Lieutenant Governor. Nine Minnesota governors previously served as lieutenant governor, although only one during the past 40+ years (Rudy Perpich). (The political cache of the lieutenant governor has been reduced ever since 1974 when that office has been tied to the Governor on a single ticket at the ballot box).

For those announced or likely candidates for 2010 with only local government experience - DFL Minneapolis Mayor R.T. Rybak and Ramsey County Attorney Susan Gaertner - there are historical pathways to the governor's mansion for each of them as well.

Governor Floyd Olson (1931-1936), for example, previously held the office of Hennepin County Attorney, while Jesse Ventura (1999-2003) was the former Mayor of Brooklyn Park. A third Governor, Harold Stassen (1939-1943), also only had local governmental experience (as Dakota County District Attorney).

Prior Political Experience of Minnesota Governors by Office Held

Position
# of Governors
State Senate
11
Lieutenant Governor
9
State Representative
9
City Council
5
U.S. Representative
5
State Commissioner
4
Mayor
3
County / District Attorney
3
State Auditor
2
Territorial House Representative
2
Territorial Governor
1
U.S. Senate
1
Territorial Congressional Delegate
1
U.S. District Attorney
1
State Supreme Court
1
State judge
1
Municipal judge
1
County School Superintendent
1
Political party leader
2
None
2

Coming next: Part II - an analysis of geographical pathways to the governor's mansion in Minnesota.

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Sunday, October 11, 2009

How Supportive Are Minnesotans of Gay Rights?

Barack Obama's speech Saturday night at the Human Rights Campaign's annual dinner in Washington has, at least for the moment, brought the issue of gay rights back into the national conversation - a conversation that has largely been focused on unemployment, health care, bailouts, and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan throughout the President's first nine months in office.

Carefully raising the issues of gays serving openly in the military as well as rights for same-sex couples, President Obama gave some reasons for optimism in the gay community that he may take the lead on these issues, but he did so in a way that did not contradict his previous statements during the presidential campaign - notably that he was personally opposed to gay marriage.

As Obama delicately carves out policy positions that both minimize backlash from demographics that are opposed to certain same-sex rights, as well as maintain enough support from the homosexual community that overwhelmingly backed him in 2008, Minnesotans have too revealed themselves to be a state that is increasingly divided with regards to the civil rights of homosexuals.

On the issue of gay marriage proper, there has been some movement in public opinion in Minnesota for same-sex rights as such issues have percolated on the national scene and across states during the past decade.

· In January 2004, for example, just 27 percent of Gopher State residents supported legalization of same-sex marriage, according to a Pioneer Press / MPR poll. By September 2006, the same pollster found 29 percent in favor and 54 percent opposed.
· In August of that year, Rasmussen found 36 percent of Minnesotans of the belief that marriage should be defined as a union between any two people including same sex couples, with 60 percent of the belief it should be defined in terms of a union between a man and a woman.
· In 2007, an average across six SurveyUSA polls found 37 percent of Minnesota residents in favor of the Gopher State legally recognizing same-sex marriages, with an average of 56 percent opposed.
· The last SurveyUSA poll on this question, conducted in January 2008, found that number to have tightened to 41 percent in favor and 53 percent opposed.

Meanwhile, since 2003, several states (through judicial or legislative processes) have legalized same-sex marriages including Massachusetts, Connecticut, Iowa, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine (though the people of Maine will ultimately decide its legality at the ballot box this November). An even greater number of states have begun to recognize 'domestic partnerships.'

Minnesota passed its version of the Defense of Marriage Act through the legislative process, which was signed into law by Republican Governor Arne Carlson in 1997. The law prohibited "marriage between persons of the same sex," and defined lawful marriage as to be "contracted only between persons of the opposite sex."

But in light of the judicial decision in Massachusetts that ruled it was unconstitutional to deny same-sex marriage, several states across the country in 2004 and 2006 amended their state constitutions when residents voted to define (in different ways) marriage as only between a man and a woman. And they did so by overwhelming majorities.

In 2004, a ban on gay marriage passed in four out of four states (Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Oregon) while several other states passed ballot measures that banned both gay marriage and civil unions: Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, and Utah.

In 2006, a same-sex ban on marriage was passed in Colorado, with marriage and civil union bans passing in Alabama, Idaho, South Carolina, South Dakota, Virginia, and Wisconsin. In 2008, the legalization of gay marriage in California ended with the passage of Proposition 8, and same-sex marriage and civil unions were banned in Florida.

Despite judicial action permitting (Iowa) or constitutional amendments outlawing (South Dakota, North Dakota, Wisconsin) same-sex rights among each of the Gopher State's neighbors in recent years, no such constitutional amendment has yet made it to the ballot box in Minnesota.

Polling conducted by Pioneer Press / MPR found narrow pluralities of Minnesotans to oppose an amendment banning gay marriage in both 2004 (49 to 43 percent) and 2006 (47 to 40 percent).

The legalization of civil unions, which were first recognized in the United States by the State of Vermont in 2000, have been less controversial among Minnesotans on balance, although four out of six surveys conducted between 2003 and 2006 found a plurality or majority in opposition to such a measure.

However, the most recent Pioneer Press / MPR poll conducted on the subject found 49 percent of Gopher State residents in favor of legalizing civil unions to give "gay and lesbian couples many of the legal protections of marriage," with 39 percent opposed.

The divide in policy preferences regarding same-sex rights among Minnesotans is not surprising, considering the divide statewide as to the causes of and morality of homosexuality itself.

Star Tribune polling from December 2003 found a sample of 1,049 Minnesota adults to view homosexuality as a sin by a 53 percent to 36 percent margin over those who did not.

However, a March 2004 Star Tribune poll found a plurarity of 45 percent to view homosexuality as 'something that can't be changed,' while just 35 percent viewed it as a 'choice.' Twenty percent were undecided. That same poll found 54 percent of Minnesotans to have at least one family member, friend, or close acquaintance to be gay or lesbian.

Minnesotans have not been presented with many constitutional amendment in recent years. However, when such amendments have appeared on the ballot, more than 90 percent have been adopted since 1982. Though there is little doubt an amendment addressing same-sex rights would attract significantly more attention (and controversy) than, say, the recent revenue raising measures which have passed.

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Friday, October 9, 2009

Will Minnesotans Ever Support Public Financing of a New Vikings Stadium?

On the heels of the controversial, but increasingly popular signing of a future hall of fame quarterback, two consecutive dramatic home victories, and an undefeated 4-0 start to the 2009 season, St. Paul is buzzing again with talk of a new stadium for the Minnesota Vikings.

But will all the good will the Vikings franchise is currently generating among die-hard and casual fans translate into hard currency for a new stadium that Vikings officials want the public to fund to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars?

GOP State Representative Tom Hackbarth (Cedar, District 48A), announced a plan this week that would use revenues from slot machines at existing horse racing facilities to fund the new stadium via constitutional amendment.

In his press release Hackbarth noted, "The Vikings are showing their commitment to building a winning franchise," which may or may not be a nod to the recent signing of once-hated (by Minnesotans) but now celebrated quarterback Brett Favre.

The problems facing a new Vikings stadium in the near future are multifold - even if the state was not facing continued massive deficits that are projected in the coming budget cycles.

The "It's our turn now" mantra put forth by the Vikings organization is an outgrowth of the always-a-bridesmaid-never-a-bride legislative outcomes over the past decade which saw the Vikings on the sidelines as the Minnesota Twins and University of Minnesota Golden Gophers football team saw their stadium deals signed, sealed, and delivered.

But the truth is that while the Vikings may be the most popular franchise in the state, they have had the least public support for a new stadium between the three organizations in the current exodus-from-the-Metrodome era.

For example, back in January 2004, a Pioneer Press / MPR poll found only 33 percent of Minnesotans believed it was "very" or "somewhat" important to come up with a public-private financing plan for a Minnesota Vikings stadium, compared to 37 percent for the Twins and 43 percent for the Gophers. That poll was taken right after a 9-7 season in which the Vikings had improved three games from the prior year.

In May 2006, a Star Tribune poll asked 725 Minnesotans which team needed a new stadium the most, and while a plurality 29 percent volunteered 'none,' the Vikings had the least support at 13 percent, with the Twins at 23 percent and the Gophers at 21 percent. That poll also followed a 9-7 Vikings season.

The second major hurdle - in or out of an economic recession - has been the failure of the Vikings organization to drum up public support for state financing of a new stadium, even with semi-veiled threats that the team might one day leave the state. Over the past several years the public financing option has been D.O.A. as far as the views of Gopher State residents are concerned. In fact, support seems to be declining:

· Back in May 2006, a Star Tribune poll found 73 percent of Minnesotans opposed to using any public money for a new Vikings stadium. Only 25 percent supported the measure.
· An April 2007 SurveyUSA poll also found 73 percent of Gopher State residents in opposition for the use of state tax money to pay for a new Vikings stadium. Just 24 percent were in favor of tax money being used.
· Later that fall, in September 2007, 79 percent opposed the use of state funding to help pay for a $954 million stadium complex on the current Metrodome site. Only 15 percent thought state funding should be used.
· In May 2009, a Rasmussen poll found 75 percent of Minnesotans against using taxpayer money to build a Vikings stadium, with just 12 percent in favor of such a measure.

Interestingly, back in May, the Rasmussen survey also found Minnesota residents by more than a 6:1 margin to be less likely to support the use of tax dollars to build a Vikings stadium if the team signed Brett Favre (44 percent) rather than more likely to support such a measure (7 percent).

Favre's blazing start for the Vikings may have changed some minds - the question is how much do Minnesotans truly bleed purple?

When the team is losing - not so much.

Back in 2001, when the Vikings were en route to their worst record (5-11) since 1984, a Star Tribune poll found only 42 percent of Gopher State residents described themselves to be a "real fan" of the team.

That number is likely on the rise...so long as the Vikes don't lose at St. Louis this Sunday.

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Thursday, October 8, 2009

Midwest Has Highest Per Capita Rate of Iraq War Fatalities and Casualties

Minnesota Has 5th Highest Number of Fatalities in the Nation in 2009

The death of a Coon Rapids, Minnesota Army Major in Basra, Iraq on Tuesday, Tad T. Hervas, now brings the number of Gopher State fatalities in Operation Iraqi Freedom to 66 since the war began in 2003.

While U.S. and coalition fatalities are on pace to be the lowest in the seven years of the Iraqi conflict, more than 100 U.S. military personnel have died in Iraq in 2009 including six from Minnesota.

Minnesotans have endured the fifth highest number of Iraq war fatalities in the country in 2009, behind only California (12), Ohio (9), Texas (8), and North Carolina (7).

Massachusetts has also had six military personnel from its state die in Iraq this year.

Although Southern states traditionally produce the largest number of recruits for the U.S. Armed forces, it is actually the Midwestern states which have endured the largest number of casualties and fatalities per capita in Operation Iraqi Freedom.

There are 12 states that comprise the greater Midwestern region: Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin.

These dozen Midwestern states have experienced a fatality rate in Iraq of 15.01 deaths per 1 million residents, according to a Smart Politics analysis of 2008 U.S. Census Bureau population data and Iraq war fatalities compiled by iCasualties.org. That rate is higher than the South (14.72), the West (13.91) and the Northeast (11.73).

U.S. Per Capita Deaths and Casualties in Operation Iraqi Freedom by Region

Region
Wounded
Deaths
Casualties
Deaths per capita
Casualties per capita
Midwest
7,373
999
8,372
15.01
125.8
South
11,635
1,636
13,271
14.72
119.4
West
7,556
994
8,550
13.91
119.7
Northeast
4,617
644
5,261
11.73
95.8
Note: U.S. Census 2008 population data and iCasualties death and casualty data compiled by Smart Politics. Data includes the 50 U.S. states, not U.S. territories or the District of Columbia.

The Midwest has three of the highest seven per capita fatality rates of U.S. military personnel killed in Iraq: South Dakota at #3 (24.87 per million), Nebraska at #5 (24.67), and North Dakota at #7 (21.82). Vermont has the highest rate in the nation at 33.80, almost four times the rate of #50 Utah (8.41).

Minnesota has the second lowest per capita rate of Iraqi war fatalities in the Midwest since 2003 at 12.64 per million residents, and is ranked #38 in the nation, ahead of only Illinois in the region (at 12.17, #40). Iowa (at 15.65, #25) and Wisconsin (at 15.64, #26) rank in the middle.

The Midwest region also has the highest casualty rate from the Iraq war - those military personnel who are wounded or killed. At 125.8 casualties per million residents, its casualty rate is higher than that of the West (119.7), the South (119.4), and particularly the Northeast (95.8).

South Dakota has the fifth highest casualty rate in the country (at 184.0 per million), with North Dakota at #7 (182.4). Montana has the highest rate in the nation at 265.7 casualties per million residents - more than four times the rate of #50 New Jersey (62.5). Minnesota is ranked #35 at 112.3, with Iowa at #20 (136.6) and Wisconsin at #28 (121.5).

U.S. Per Capita Fatalities in Operation Iraqi Freedom by State

Rank
State
Region
Deaths
Casualties
Deaths per capita
Casualties per capita
1
VT
Northeast
21
112
33.80
180.3
2
MT
West
27
257
27.91
265.6
3
SD
Midwest
20
148
24.87
184.0
4
AK
West
17
125
24.77
182.1
5
NE
Midwest
44
275
24.67
154.2
6
WY
West
13
114
24.41
214.0
7
ND
Midwest
14
117
21.82
182.4
8
AR
South
62
526
21.71
184.2
9
OK
South
76
605
20.87
166.1
10
HI
West
26
168
20.18
130.4
11
ID
West
30
316
19.69
207.4
12
NM
West
38
324
19.15
163.3
13
LA
South
84
677
19.04
153.5
14
OR
West
72
573
19.00
151.2
15
NH
Northeast
23
210
17.48
159.6
16
ME
Northeast
23
241
17.47
183.1
17
MS
South
51
335
17.36
114.0
18
TX
South
409
3456
16.81
142.1
19
VA
South
129
858
16.60
110.4
20
KS
Midwest
46
471
16.42
168.1
21
KY
South
70
555
16.40
130.0
22
DE
South
14
65
16.03
74.4
23
OH
Midwest
182
1519
15.85
132.2
24
PA
Northeast
195
1512
15.66
121.5
25
IA
Midwest
47
410
15.65
136.6
26
WI
Midwest
88
684
15.64
121.5
27
MI
Midwest
156
1178
15.59
117.8
28
AL
South
72
609
15.44
130.6
29
AZ
West
97
792
14.92
121.8
30
TN
South
92
713
14.80
114.7
31
IN
Midwest
93
809
14.58
126.9
32
MO
Midwest
86
869
14.55
147.0
33
NV
West
36
233
13.85
89.6
34
WA
West
89
1015
13.59
155.0
35
GA
South
131
1016
13.53
104.9
36
MD
South
76
508
13.49
90.2
37
WV
South
23
247
12.68
136.1
38
MN
Midwest
66
586
12.64
112.3
39
CA
West
462
3766
12.57
102.5
40
IL
Midwest
157
1306
12.17
101.2
41
SC
South
54
468
12.05
104.5
42
CO
West
59
577
11.94
116.8
43
MA
Northeast
76
582
11.70
89.6
44
RI
Northeast
12
121
11.42
115.2
45
NC
South
105
968
11.39
105.0
46
FL
South
188
1665
10.26
90.8
47
NY
Northeast
186
1663
9.54
85.3
48
NJ
Northeast
78
543
8.98
62.5
49
CT
Northeast
30
277
8.57
79.1
50
UT
West
23
263
8.41
96.1
Note: U.S. Census 2008 population data and iCasualties death and casualty data compiled by Smart Politics. Data includes the 50 U.S. states, not U.S. territories or the District of Columbia.


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Tuesday, October 6, 2009

Minnesota Remains Obama's Upper Midwestern Stronghold

President Barack Obama's clean sweep through Minnesota, Iowa, and Wisconsin en route to his 2008 presidential election victory continues what has been a historical pattern for most of the past 150 years.

These three Upper Midwestern states have historically been a key electoral bloc for successful presidential campaigns since 1860, the first such election after the Gopher State achieved statehood. Presidential nominees who have swept through these states have won 23 of 27 elections during this span.

Only Al Gore (2000), Michael Dukakis (1988), Charles Hughes (1916), and James Blaine (1884) failed to win the White House after sweeping Minnesota, Iowa, and Wisconsin.

However, while the support President Obama enjoyed nationwide at the onset of his term has eroded, as expected, in several "McCain states" across the country, he has seen some of the biggest erosion occur in (light) blue states right here in the Upper Midwest.

The latest SurveyUSA polling, conducted a little over a week ago, finds that while Obama's approval rating remains fairly steady in Minnesota, it has declined noticeably in the neighboring states of Iowa and Wisconsin.

In Minnesota, 55 percent of adults approve of Obama's job performance - up from 53 percent in August and 51 percent in July. Although Obama's rating is down from his high water mark of 64 percent back at the beginning of his 'honeymoon period' in January of this year, it is still slightly north of the percentage of Minnesotans who voted for him last November (54 percent).

This is not the case for Obama in Minnesota's neighbors to the south and east.

Although Obama had a virtually identical level of support on Election Day in Iowa (54 percent) and Wisconsin (56 percent) as he did in Minnesota, his approval rating has fallen to 46 and 47 percent in the Hawkeye and Badger States respectively.

The 16.1 percent drop-off in support for Obama since the November election among Wisconsinites and 14.8 percent decline among Iowans are the largest among the 13 states tracked each month by SurveyUSA.

The low marks received by Obama in Iowa and Wisconsin do not appear to be statistical aberrations - the President received an approval rating of 45 percent in both states in SurveyUSA's August round of polling as well.

Since January, Obama's job performance rating has dropped 32.9 percent in Wisconsin (from 70 to 47 percent) and 32.4 percent in Iowa (from 68 to 46 percent).

Minnesota is one of only three states tracked by SurveyUSA in which Obama's current approval rating is higher than the percentage of the vote he received last November (the others being Oregon at +2 points and California at +1).

Barack Obama Approval Ratings Vis-à-vis Percentage of Presidential Vote Received

State
Approval
Vote
Diff.
% Diff.
Oregon
59
57
+2
+3.5
Minnesota
55
54
+1
+1.9
California
62
61
+1
+1.6
New York
63
63
0
0.0
Kentucky
39
41
-2
-4.9
Alabama
37
39
-2
-5.1
Washington
53
57
-4
-7.0
Kansas
39
42
-3
-7.1
Virginia
49
53
-4
-7.5
Missouri
44
49
-5
-10.2
New Mexico
50
57
-7
-12.3
Iowa
46
54
-8
-14.8
Wisconsin
47
56
-9
-16.1
Average
49.5
52.5
-3.1
-5.9
Source: SurveyUSA polls of 600 adults in each state, conducted September 27-28, 2009.

A recent Star Tribune poll found Obama with a 51 percent approval rating in the Gopher State and a 45 percent disapproval rating. The SurveyUSA poll measured Obama's disapproval rating at just 40 percent.

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Monday, October 5, 2009

Absence Does Not Make the Heart Grow Fonder: Pawlenty Disapproval Rating Reaches All-Time High

As Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty continues to make national headlines with his budding 2012 presidential ambitions (e.g. launching his Freedom First PAC last week in order to support 2010 GOP candidates), he also continues to draw criticism statewide for his political travel that has taken him out of state in recent months, such as trips to South Dakota, Arkansas, Ohio, and Florida.

While other states may be facing more difficult economic challenges than the Gopher State (Minnesota has the 19th lowest unemployment in the nation, nearly two points below the national average), Pawlenty's periodic absences from a state decidedly not out of the woods of its economic and budget crises may be causing the Governor's popularity to be taking a hit.

That 'hit' is highlighted in the latest SurveyUSA poll of 600 Minnesotans, conducted September 27-28, which finds just 45 percent approving of Pawlenty's job performance, and 52 percent disapproving.

The 52 percent disapproval mark is the highest endured by Pawlenty across more than four-dozen SurveyUSA polls conducted since May 2005, as well as more than 70 polls conducted by any pollster since the Governor took office in January 2003 (tied only with the 52 percent disapproval rating measured by SurveyUSA on the eve of his reelection in October 2006).

On the flip side, Pawlenty' 45 percent approval rating is tied for the second lowest grade the Governor has received in the nearly 4.5 years of monthly SurveyUSA polling. Pawlenty previously sunk to 45 percent in October 2006 and August 2005. His all-time lowest approval rating, across all polling organizations, was 43 percent in July 2005 (SurveyUSA).

Despite these sobering numbers, Pawlenty's standing among his constituents still rates favorably when compared to some of his Upper Midwestern colleagues.

Wisconsin's Democratic Governor Jim Doyle has seen his approval rating languish in the low- to mid-30 percent range for each of the last six SurveyUSA polls dating back to March of this year, resting at 36 percent in September's survey. Doyle is not seeking a third term in 2010.

Meanwhile, Iowa's Democratic Governor Chet Culver, who is running for a second term in 2010, received an approval rating of 41 percent - on the heels of bottoming out at 36 percent in August.

Overall, Pawlenty has the sixth highest approval rating of the 13 governors tracked by SurveyUSA.

SurveyUSA September 2009 Gubernatorial Approval Ratings

State
Governor
Percent
Alabama
Bob Riley
63
Kansas
Mark Parkinson
53
Missouri
Jay Nixon
51
Kentucky
Steve Beshear
49
New Mexico
Bill Richardson
48
Minnesota
Tim Pawlenty
45
Virginia
Tim Kaine
44
Oregon
Ted Kulongoski
41
Iowa
Chet Culver
41
Washington
Christine Gregoire
40
Wisconsin
Jim Doyle
36
New York
David Paterson
27
California
Arnold Schwarzenegger
24
Source: SurveyUSA polls of 600 adults in each state, conducted September 27-28, 2009.

Whether or not Pawlenty's travel is causing some Minnesotans to disapprove of the way he is handling his job as Governor is unclear. A recent Rasmussen poll conducted in mid-September found 50 percent of Minnesotans "very" or "somewhat" concerned about the amount of time Pawlenty is traveling out of state. However, 56 percent of Minnesotans approved of Pawlenty's job performance in that same Rasmussen survey.

And there is one more thing to keep in mind. Although Pawlenty is close to his all-time low approval mark, his job performance rating has been fairly consistent throughout his tenure - with most of his approval ratings coming in between 45 and 55 percent over the past few years (16 of his last 18 ratings by SurveyUSA since February 2008 fall in that range).

As such, whether Minnesotans appear to be supportive of his job performance (e.g. ratings in the 55 percent range) or not supportive (e.g. ratings in the 45 percent range) is really the result of a fluctuation back and forth between a fairly small number of residents (a segment of independents and small slices of Democrats and Republicans).

The truth is most Minnesotans made up their mind long ago as to whether or not they approved or disapproved of the way Pawlenty has governed the state.

However, although that small 5 to 10 percent of the population may not decide (presidential) party primaries, they do decide general election contests. And Pawlenty is now being increasingly put under the national spotlight as his GOP star begins to shine.

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Sunday, October 4, 2009

Are Klobuchar and Franken Exceeding Expectations? MN Senators Receive All-Time High Job Approval Marks

With an economy still considered unstable at best, with unemployment flirting with 10 percent nationwide, and with a ballooning federal deficit and national debt, many federal and state policymakers of both political parties have seen their approval ratings take a hit throughout 2009 - governors, U.S. Senators, as well as President Barack Obama.

Neither political party has been immune to the public backlash, although Democrats (who control the legislative and executive branches of the federal government and the majority of governorships and state legislatures nationwide) have seemingly endured the brunt of the effects of changing public attitudes. Several pundits predict voter dissatisfaction could create a shakeup of Congress in the 2010 elections, with Democratic incumbents particularly vulnerable.

Despite these trends, the Minnesota U.S. Senate delegation of Amy Klobuchar and Al Franken stands apart from those of the other 12 states tracked by the polling organization SurveyUSA. Not only are Klobuchar and Franken enjoying their highest approval ratings since being elected in 2006 and 2008 respectively, they are also the only two Senators among the 25+ tracked by SurveyUSA who currently enjoy job performance ratings higher than the percentage of voters who elected them into office.

The latest round of monthly SurveyUSA polling, conducted of 600 Minnesota adults September 27-28, finds Klobuchar with an approval rating of 64 percent and Franken with an approval rating of 49 percent.

The 64 percent mark is the highest ever notched for Senator Klobuchar across 31 SurveyUSA polls conducted since she first took office in D.C. in January 2007. Minnesota's senior senator had previously peaked at 63 percent in December 2008.

Franken's approval rating has increased slightly each month in SurveyUSA polling since assuming office earlier this summer - 43 percent in July, 45 percent in August, and 49 percent in September.

But what makes Klobuchar and Franken unique among the 25+ Senators tracked by SurveyUSA each month is that they are the only two who currently enjoy the support from a higher percentage of residents statewide than the percentage of voters who elected them into office.

· Franken's 49 percent approval rating is 7 points higher than the 42 percent of the vote he received last November in his high profile contest against Republican Norm Coleman (and Independence Party candidate Dean Barkley, whose strong 15 percent showing undoubtedly depressed the percentage of the vote received by both Franken and Coleman).

· Klobuchar's 64 percent job approval rating is 6 points higher than the 58 percent of the vote she received on Election Day in 2006 when she won DFLer Mark Dayton's open seat.

Nearly half of the Senators tracked by SurveyUSA have experienced a double-digit decrease when comparing their current approval rating vis-à-vis the percentage of vote they received the last time they were on the ballot. Among these are fellow Upper Midwesterners Chuck Grassley (-20 points) and Tom Harkin (-19 points) from Iowa, and Herb Kohl from Wisconsin (-14).

In one sense, it is not surprising to see such Senators have approval ratings that are lower than the percentage of the vote they received on Election Day. The SurveyUSA polls are conducted of adults, not voters or likely voters, and, as such, the respondents include a number of disinterested, disengaged, or otherwise disgusted residents who did not vote at all the last time the Senator was on the ballot, and are thus perhaps disinclined to support their state's officeholders generally.

This is what makes the numbers of Franken and Klobuchar so remarkable. They have done what many of their colleagues in the Senate have not: improve their standing among their respective statewide population vis-à-vis voter support since their last election. And Franken and Klobuchar have done so in light of continued serious economic challenges facing D.C. and the State of Minnesota, as well as the apparent declining political currency of the Democratic Party nationwide.

For example, in the Upper Midwest region, Democratic Governors Jim Doyle (WI) and Chet Culver (IA) have endured the lowest approval ratings of their respective tenures in recent months, as has Iowa Democrat Tom Harkin - whose 44 percent approval mark in September is down 19 points during the past 10 months (63 percent in December 2008).

The Franken/Klobuchar numbers also hold when looking at the percent change between current approval ratings and percentage of vote received.

U.S. Senatorial Approval Ratings Vis-à-vis Percentage of Vote Received

State
Senator
Elected
Vote
Approval
Diff.
% Diff.
MN
Franken
2008
42
49
+7
+16.7
MN
Klobuchar
2006
58
64
+6
+10.3
MO
McCaskill
2006
50
50
0
0.0
AL
Sessions
2008
63
62
-1
-1.6
VA
Webb
2006
50
48
-2
-4.0
VA
Warner
2008
65
61
-4
-6.2
KY
McConnell
2008
53
49
-4
-7.5
NY
Schumer
2004
71
65
-6
-8.5
KS
Roberts
2008
60
54
-6
-10.0
WI
Feingold
2004
55
49
-6
-10.9
NM
Udall
2008
61
54
-7
-11.5
OR
Wyden
2004
63
55
-8
-12.7
WA
Murray
2004
55
48
-7
-12.7
OR
Merkley
2008
49
42
-7
-14.3
AL
Shelby
2004
68
58
-10
-14.7
NM
Bingaman
2006
71
58
-13
-18.3
WA
Cantwell
2006
57
46
-11
-19.3
MO
Bond
2004
56
45
-11
-19.6
WI
Kohl
2006
67
53
-14
-20.9
CA
Fienstein
2006
59
46
-13
-22.0
CA
Boxer
2004
57
41
-16
-28.1
IA
Grassley
2004
70
50
-20
-28.6
IA
Harkin
2008
63
44
-19
-30.2
KS
Brownback
2004
69
48
-21
-30.4
KY
Bunning
2004
51
35
-16
-31.4
Note: SurveyUSA and election data compiled by Smart Politics.

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Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs