« February 2008 | Main | April 2008 »

March 24, 2008

Becoming American

Rachel Ida Buff is an Associate Professor at the University of Wisconsin Milwaukee and the History
Coordinator in Comparative Ethnic Studies.

Responding to the ongoing controversy about his minister, Jeremiah Wright, Barack Obama in his speech, “A More Perfect Union” last Tuesday opened up a teachable moment about race and American history.

Drawing heavily on the cadences of the Declaration of Independence, Obama illuminated the rhetorics of the Black church.
In the speech, Obama drew on his own writings, in Dreams from My Father, to describe his conversion to Christianity in the Black church:
I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world.
This story is a religious conversion narrative. But it is also a story about the Americanization of “the son of a Black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas,” as Obama explains his history.
Immigration historians have much to teach about Americanization. We talk about pressures on new immigrants to acculturate; about the idea and the realities of assimilation; about the ways in which immigrants and their children create an ethnic culture based on, yet distinct from, the cultures from which they came. Drawing on the vibrant literature of the past twenty years, we discuss the inequalities generated by race and immigration policy, and the complexities of “becoming American” for people with less than equal access to the full rights of citizenship in this country. Because terms like Americanization come out of a literature based on the experience of people we might now call, with David Roediger, “not yet white ethnics”, perhaps we tend less to theorize what Americanization means for immigrants who, because of law and history, do not become white.
A disciplinary gap divides African American and immigration history. For this reason, the Middle Passage, which comprised one of the largest migrations in human history, is not considered as migration. Because enslaved Africans were forced to leave their homes, their experiences during and after the Middle Passage differ from those proposed by an immigrant paradigm based on voluntary migration from Europe. So do those of migrants from Asia and Latin America. But their lives, and the lives of their children in America, are also stories of Americanization.
African America is increasingly diverse. In states such as Florida and New York, foreign born Blacks comprise up to a quarter of the African American population. For the million foreign born Africans residing in the United States as of 2002, becoming American will entail legal naturalization, for some; for all of them, it will involve the balancing of transnational allegiances – what historian Matthew Frye Jacobson has brilliantly describes as the “special sorrows” of immigrants with deep political ties to their homelands – and the acculturation necessary to survive and flourish in this country. Becoming African American invariably means encountering the withering realities of American racism. And understanding this racism, its long history on this continent, often calls for powerful language, like that of Jeremiah Wright and the prophetic tradition in preaching he represents.
In this teachable moment, immigration historians are well positioned to illuminate the complexity and promise of becoming American.

March 17, 2008

St. Patrick's Day and Irish Immigration

By Andy Urban, PhD candidate in History at the University of Minnesota. IHRC Affiliated Faculty

Although the media coverage leading up to this year’s St. Patrick’s Day has highlighted how Catholic leaders have tried to make sure that the holiday’s festive nature and secular activities do not interfere with start of the more somber occasion of Holy Week, those interested in immigration history might think about the significance of ethnic holidays in relationship to the larger story of migration and assimilation.

In a blog on the New York Times website that has elicited a lot of comments [http://egan.blogs.nytimes.com/?scp=1-b&sq=Egan&st=nyt], Timothy Egan provides a brief history of the city of Butte, Montana, which in the early-twentieth century had a larger per capita population of Irish immigrants than any other city in the United States. Egan argues that rather than dwelling on the “blarney and excess in celebration of all things Irish” that St. Patrick’s Day typically engenders, Americans would be better off remembering the Irish diaspora’s troubled history and the fact that in his Irish-American opinion, “misery is our currency.” For Egan, this means focusing on the various famines that drove the Irish to leave Ireland in the first place, and the often brutal conditions that greeted them in places like the mines of Butte.

Although I appreciate Egan’s point about infusing the holiday with “real” Irish and Irish American history, he misses the point that from its very beginnings, St. Patrick’s Day in the United States was about playing up the good and ignoring the bad. In the nineteenth century, Irish American leaders praised Protestant Scots-Irish who contributed ideological ammunition to the American Revolution alongside the Irish Catholic foot soldiers who died for the Union Army.

I think that St. Patrick’s Day would best be refitted as an ecumenical holiday celebrating all immigrants and their contributions, as an editorial from MIT’s newspaper argued a number of years back [http://www-tech.mit.edu/V118/N14/ring.14c.html]. Irish Americans could maintain their special connection to the holiday by presenting their forbearers as the first significant non-Anglo, non-Protestant, and non-coerced migrant group to come to the United States. In this regard, the Irish had to bear many of the burdens (although not all) that immigrants from around the world would later face.

If activism can be introduced into this new-fangled holiday: even better. Although in the past decade a greater number of Irish immigrants have left the United States to return to Ireland and take advantage of the country’s thriving economy than have come here, as an article in the San Francisco Chronicle notes, there are still approximately 50,000 undocumented Irish immigrants living in the United States [http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2006/03/15/IRISH.TMP]
. Activists in San Francisco have sought to use St. Patrick’s day as a forum and opportunity to discuss immigration reform and the fact that undocumented immigrants do not only come from Mexico and other Latin American countries, despite popular conceptions. I’ll drink a beer to that.

March 10, 2008

Vietnamese immigration to Poland

Anna Mazurkiewicz Ph.D, University of Gdansk, Kosciuszko Foundation Fellow at the IHRC

While Americans know that Vietnamese migrate, few imagine Poland as an important destination for them.

The remote lands of Poland and Vietnam share an unhappy history of foreign domination in both the 19th and 20th centuries. But in today's world, a direct connection has been established by Vietnamese immigrants to Poland.

Soon after diplomatic relations were established in 1950, the first tiny wave of Vietnamese students arrived in Poland. Due to the protracted armed conflict in Indochina many of them decided to stay. The failures of Poland’s so-called “real socialism” did not offer many economic opportunities in Poland, but it did offer hope for change. Over the next twenty years the numbers of Vietnamese students and professionals increased. But the major influx of the Vietnamese people to Poland came later, along with democratic changes in Poland in the 1990s.

In 2001 the Polish Office for Repatriation and Foreigners counted as many as 40 thousand Vietnamese living in Poland. Today's estimates suggest their number from 30 to 50 thousand, third only to France (500 thousand) and Germany (100 thousand). However, in a recent census, only 1,808 declared their nationality as Vietnamese and only 436 as having Polish citizenship. (A total of 775,000 people in Poland did not declare any nationality at all.) http://www.stat.gov.pl/cps/rde/xbcr/gus/PUBL_PUBL_Demographic_yearbook_of_Poland_2007.pdf

The reasons for giving ambiguous answers are complex but the single most important factor is Polish government’s very restrictive visa policies. Although the numbers of deported Vietnamese nationals are relatively low, the threat of forced repatriation to Vietnam is enough to influence any “head count” of this group. Especially that the repulsive immigrant policies resulted in the increase of the illegal immigration. At the same time, Poland’s attractiveness was further elevated with the country’s accession to the European Union. http://www.cafebabel.com/en/article.asp?T=T&Id=8039

For some, Poland is just a transit point en route westward but for many others Poland is “a promised land”. The European Commission’s report of 2003 informs us that only Ukrainians were granted more permits for settlement in Poland than the Vietnamese, followed by Russians, Armenians, and Belarusians. (http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/doc_centre/asylum/statistics/docs/2003/country_reports/poland.pdf )

Migration and trade have developed in tandem. The single largest Vietnamese company in Poland sells its products not only in EVERY Polish grocery store but also Europe-wide. (http://www.tan-viet.com.pl/index.php?mod=ofirmie&kat=&id=&lang=en).

The Vietnamese embassy in Warsaw points to an increase in bilateral trade from $20 to $330 million between 1992 and 2006. http://www.vietnamembassy-poland.org/nr070521165956/news_object_view?newsPath=/vnemb.vn/cn_vakv/euro/nr040819110934/ns070919142436

How are the Vietnamese perceived by Poles? The majority of Poles regard the Far East newcomers as hardworking, intelligent and honest (E-polityka; TNS OBOP, Jan. 2008). An article by Nguyen Thi Hoa, Wiktor Kaspian and Pham Viet Anh found the Vietnamese immigrants are predominantly highly educated professionals, not always able to secure a job that would enable them to employ their professional skills (http://nigdywiecej.org.pl/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=93&Itemid=15). Many have been trained in engineering and art. Some even hold Ph.D.s in Polish language arts!

The first poll that asked Poles about their attitude towards the Vietnamese people (not the immigrants) was conducted in 1998. It showed that among various nations, they were close to the middle of the ranking, the most liked being the Americans, the least – the Gypsies (Chart on page 2 http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/1998/K_158_98.PDF ) The same poll in 2007 showed that Polish attitudes towards the Vietnamese had become less favorable ( Chart on page 3 http://www.cbos.pl/SPISKOM.POL/2007/K_144_07.PDF ), perhaps as a result of increased immigration.

The most prevalent stereotype of the Vietnamese in Poland is that of a market stall merchant, fast food bar or restaurant owner. The image comes from the single largest Vietnamese community in Poland residing in Warsaw. Dariusz Bartoszewicz and Tomasz Kwaśniewski of Gazeta Wyborcza estimated that in the "Deccenary markeplace Stadium” alone there are over a thousand trading booths operated by Vietnamese retailers. There are over 30 big restaurants and 300 bars in Warsaw operated Vietnamese immigrants. As a result, a majority of Warsaw residents incorrectly believe Asians to be the single biggest immigrant community in Poland. (In fact it is peoples from the former USSR.) Three-quarters of respondents to a poll admitted that they either shopped or ate at the Asian facilities. http://miasta.gazeta.pl/warszawa/1,34862,2956397.html

According to Teresa Halik, many poles perceive Vietnamese migrants as a tight, hermetic and isolated group. (In fact, she titled her book--written with Ewa Nowicka--The Vietnamese in Poland. Integration or Isolation?). Warsaw is still not London; Vietnamese people admit they do feel they are outside the mainstream of Polish society. 


Still, one can find Polish initiatives aimed at discovering and promoting Vietnamese culture. One of the major Polish dailies „Gazeta Wyborcza” helped to promote an event organized by Polish young artists’ organization. A cultural project “Viet Nam at Play” included a “Vietnamese village” staged in the Warsaw Mokotów Fields. The event promoted the painters, photographers, musicians and naturally - the cuisine of Vietnam. Poles attended a “Vietnamese week” in October of 2005 and a film documentary by Anna Gajewska “the Warsavians” about the Vietnamese living in Warsaw. (http://www.warszawiacy.art.pl/film.php) (The trailers from a Vietnamese movie festival can be viewed at http://www.arteria.art.pl/5smakow/smak_gorzki.php ).

Scholarly research on the Vietnamese in Poland has followed. Teresa Halik has recently published The Migrant Vietnamese Community in Poland, which focuses on state policy and public opinion. She concluded that the Vietnamese are not only a “stable element of ethnic landscape of Poland, but also present one of the major and better-organized communities of immigrants aiming to stay in Poland”.

Krystyna Iglicka of the Center for International Relations in Warsaw has even observed that: “Today, Poland is probably the most striking example of a Central European country that is gradually shifting from a major sending country into a country of net-immigration and transit migration.” (http://www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=302 )

Clearly, Poland is undergoing rapid change. Many Poles are ready to open their homeland to strangers. However, 65% of them state that they have not yet personally met an immigrant. It can only be hoped that they will not change their attitudes to foreigners as they do so.

The views and opinions expressed in this page are strictly those of the page author. The contents of this page have not been reviewed or approved by the University of Minnesota.