SD: McCain 44%, Obama 40% (Rasmussen)

IA: Obama 51%, McCain 41% (Rasmussen)

MN: Obama 52%, McCain 35% (Rasmussen)

WI: Obama 50%, McCain 39% (Rasmussen)

ND: Obama 43%, McCain 43% (Rasmussen)

Smart Politics is the Center for the Study of Politics and Governance's blog at the Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs that is home to timely, pointed, non-partisan discussion of Upper Midwestern and national politics. Smart Politics excavates the key issues driving the 2008 elections as well as provides perspective on statewide and district campaigns in Iowa, Minnesota, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. Unlike most political blogs, Smart Politics' political discussion is driven by thoughtful non-partisan analysis: the Center boasts the largest on-line collection of Upper Midwestern public opinion and historical election results.

Wednesday, July 23, 2008

How Blue Is Minnesota? Not 7 U.S. House Seats Blue

Tim Walz’s pick-up of the Gopher State’s 1st Congressional District in 2006 buoyed hopes for the DFL of a decisive bluish trend among voters for its U.S. House candidates in the coming years. Walz’s victory surprised many pundits, even in an election year that was expecting several Democratic pick-ups across the nation (Walz’s victory was no surprise to Smart Politics, which projected his victory).

The DFL had reason to be optimistic: 2006 was the first year the DFL delegation to Congress had netted a seat since the 1990 election, when Collin Peterson picked off 6-term GOP incumbent Arlan Stangeland’s 7th District seat.

As such, when popular Republican Representative Jim Ramstad announced his retirement in 2007, the DFL hungrily eyed two potential pick-ups in 2008 – Ramstad’s open 3rd District seat and 1-term Representative Michele Bachmann’s 6th District seat.

While most analysts agree that the 3rd CD should be very competitive for the DFL, the Party faithful should not be so optimistic about its chances in ousting Bachmann.

True, Bachmann won her seat in 2006 with only the barest majority – 50.1 percent. However, her district voted overwhelmingly for Tim Pawlenty in the gubernatorial race (55.9 percent, compared to just 37.3 percent for Mike Hatch). Additionally, the 6th CD demonstrated a great deal of support for Republican Mark Kennedy in the U.S. Senate race. Although Kennedy was trounced by 20.2 points statewide, he only lost by 4.8 points in the 6th CD – his strongest performance across the state.

If the DFL picked up two U.S. House seats in 2008 it would mean the state would be at its ‘bluest’ in history. The DFL has never won 7 Congressional seats in an election. The DFL held 6 seats throughout the 1990s, but never more than 5 prior to 1990. Even when the Farmer Labor Party and Democratic Party were separate entities, they could not eclipse 6 seats between them (achieved twice, in 1932 and 1936) – and that was during an era when the state was sending double-digit delegations to D.C.

For the DFL to win 7 of 8 Congressional Districts in 2008, not only would Barack Obama probably need to win Minnesota in a landslide, but Al Franken (or whomever wins the DFL primary) would also need to beat Norm Coleman in the U.S. Senate race.

Barring such a dramatic shift to the DFL, the Party will need to be satisfied with a delegation of 5 or 6 seats to Congress come January 2009.

Tuesday, July 22, 2008

18 is Enough: South Dakota Democratic Senators and the Third Term Curse

South Dakota Democratic U.S. Senator Tim Johnson was once thought to be one of the few potential targets for a GOP pick-up in the 2008 election. Johnson had won his first two elections to the Senate by a total of 9,111 votes, including a 532-vote squeaker in 2002 against current Republican Senator John Thune.

Johnson is now considered a heavy favorite to win again in 2008. The latest Ramussen poll of 500 likely voters (conducted July 9th) gives Johnson a 60 to 35 percent advantage over Republican nominee Joel Dykstra.

With popular Democratic U.S. Representative Stephanie Herseth expected to win her fourth straight election and Barack Obama currently polling competitively with John McCain in the state, strong statewide support for Johnson might be the tipping point to bring Democratic control back to the state Senate for the first time since 1992.

If Johnson should win his re-election bid, he will become only the third Democrat in state history to be elected to three terms to the U.S. Senate. Tom Daschle was elected in 1986, 1992, and 1998; George McGovern was elected in 1962, 1968, and 1974.

McGovern and Daschle both began their 18-years in the Senate by ousting Republican incumbents – Daschle defeated 1-term Senator James Abnor and McGovern narrowly defeated Senator Joe Bottum (a Republican appointment who filled the vacancy caused by the death of GOP Senator Francis Case). Johnson also won his first term by defeating a sitting GOP Senator – Larry Pressler.

No Democrat, however, has ever been elected four times to the Senate in South Dakota. Both McGovern and Daschle sought a 4th term, but McGovern was defeated by James Abdnor in 1980 and Daschle was defeated by John Thune in 2004.

Republican Larry Pressler was also denied his attempt at a fourth term in 1996 when Johnson picked up his seat for the Democrats.

Another Republican Senator from South Dakota, Peter Norbeck, was elected three times (in 1920, 1926, and 1932), but died in office in 1936.

In fact, only one Senator from the state has been elected to four terms: Republican Karl E. Mundt (in 1948, 1954, 1960, and 1966).

While Johnson has made great strides in recovering from the cerebral arteriovenous malformation that struck him in December 2006, the senior Senator from South Dakota would be 67 years old if he sought a fourth term (and an end to the 18-year Democratic curse) in 2014.

For more information on South Dakota’s electoral history, visit the Center for the Study of Politics and Governance’s Upper Midwest Historical Election Archive.

Monday, July 21, 2008

US House Snapshot: Republicans Brace for More Losses

Media coverage of the 2008 election is rightly centered at the moment on the fascinating 2008 presidential race; any remaining coverage seems to be focused on the U.S. Senate – and whether or not the Democrats can turn in a miraculous performance in 2008 to achieve a filibuster-proof majority, as they did in 2006 to win a bare majority.

Perhaps the battle for the U.S. House is not receiving as much notice because Democrats already hold a 236 to 199 seat advantage. This lead is already larger than any held by the Republicans throughout their reign from 1994-2006 (holding a peak 30-seat advantage after the 2004 elections). Democrats have not held as small an advantage over the GOP as it currently enjoys since the 1956 election (234 to 201).

In 2008 Democrats can expect to make further gains in the House – perhaps ultimately approaching their 258 to 176 lead they held going into the 1994 elections. There are several reasons to expect a big Democratic victory in the House come November:

· Democrats have consistently held a 10+ point lead in generic congressional matchup polling. Republican strategists have attempted to link Congress’ low approval rating with trouble for the Democrats in November; to that Democrats answered in mid-May with a stunning special election victory, picking up a seat in (conservative) northern Mississippi. In short, Republicans are still scrambling to pick up the pieces after 2006.

· Republicans will be defending more than three times as many open seats (27) as will the Democrats (8).

· Of the 202 seats won by the GOP in 2006, 78 were decided by less than 20 points (39 percent), and 134 were decided by less than 30 points (66 percent). Of the 233 seats won by the Democrats in 2006, just 41 were decided by less than 20 points (18 percent) and only 63 were decided by less than 30 points (27 percent). In other words, more than twice as many Republican seats are vulnerable to pick-ups than Democratic seats.

· Democrats have the luxury of 125 ‘safe seats’ – those decided by 30 points or more in the 2006 election; an additional 45 Democrats did not even face a Republican challenger. Republicans only won 58 blowout victories of 30 points or more and did not face a Democratic challenger in just 10 additional races.

All the stars are therefore aligned for the Democrats to score a big victory in the U.S. House – even in the event that John McCain should win a competitive election against Barack Obama.

Friday, July 18, 2008

Smart Politics Study: Independence Party Need Make No Apologies to the DFL

The DFL has pointed to the Independence Party gubernatorial candidacies of Peter Hutchinson (2006) and Tim Penny (2002) as part of the reason for Republican Tim Pawlenty’s two plurality wins in the Gopher State.

The fear, among the DFL, is that the Independence Party is not so much bringing in new voters, nor tapping the independent wing of the GOP that once split off to vote for the Reform Party (the IP’s ancestor), but rather drawing from the same pool of otherwise like-minded DFL voters.

But a Smart Politics study of nearly 60 Minnesota state House races has found that at the district level, the presence of IP candidates on the ballot is correlated with a stronger performance by the DFL and a weaker performance by the GOP.

Smart Politics examined the 57 House races with Independence Party candidates on the ballot in the 2000, 2004, and 2006 elections and compared the performance of the DFL and GOP in those districts with the previous election cycle (the 2002 election results were omitted from the study due to the redistricting that occurred after the 2000 election).

The first finding is that the Independence Party chose to run in nearly twice as many districts controlled by the DFL (64 percent) than the GOP (36 percent). It would seem, at first blush, that the IP elects to run in DFL territory because it has a greater ideological overlap with liberal voters. In fact, in the 2008 election, the IP will run 9 out of its 10 candidates in DFL-controlled districts.

However, despite the greater presence of the Independence Party in DFL territory, the DFL had a stronger performance (measured by margin of victory) in 58 percent of these districts from the previous election cycle, and in 57 percent of districts overall (after adding in GOP-controlled districts with IP candidates on the ballot).

In only 4 of the 57 districts with IP candidates on the ballot did party control of the district flip from the previous election cycle – and in every instance it was from the GOP to the DFL. All four of these DFL pick-ups occurred in 2004 (Districts 04A, 23A, 26B, and 45A).

Lastly, the DFL enjoyed a net gain (and the GOP a net loss) in each of these 3 election cycles in districts with IP candidates: an average DFL net gain of 0.4 points per district from 1998 to 2000, 3.0 points per district from 2002 to 2004, and 3.6 points per district from 2004 to 2006.

These findings are of course only correlations, but they certainly suggest that a closer look must be given before lackluster DFL performances (in the past or the future) are excused away by putting blame on the Independence Party when it chooses to participate in the Democratic process.

Thursday, July 17, 2008

Will 2008 Be the Year of the Libertarian?

Although the impact of the Libertarian Party in presidential elections has been muted since first appearing on the ballot in 1972, the expectations for the Party are high in 2008.

This election cycle, the LP has nominated its most high profile candidate to date – former Georgia Republican Representative Bob Barr. Barr is also the Party’s most controversial figure: Democrats remember him (not so fondly) from his days as one of the outspoken House managers in the impeachment trial of President Clinton. The Republican Party resents him, naturally, for leaving the GOP. And the Libertarian Party establishment did not embrace him warmly – what with Barr announcing his candidacy just a few weeks before the Party’s National Convention (it also took Barr six ballots to earn a majority of the vote to secure the nomination).

Despite this backdrop, the political environment is ripe for Barr to make waves in the 2008 election. Libertarians, especially in the West have already played King Maker in statewide U.S. Senate and Gubernatorial races in recent years. Votes for Libertarian candidates have propelled Democrats to victory in 10 high-profile races since 1998 (with votes for the Libertarian exceeding the Democrat’s margin of victory over the Republican nominee):

1998 Nevada U.S. Senate race
2000 Michigan U.S. Senate race
2000 Washington U.S. Senate race
2002 South Dakota U.S. Senate race
2002 Arizona Gubernatorial race
2002 Oregon Gubernatorial race
2002 Wisconsin Gubernatorial race
2002 Wyoming Gubernatorial race
2004 Washington Gubernatorial race
2006 Montana U.S. Senate race

In the nine presidential elections since 1972, Libertarians have received 1 percent of the vote just once (1980) and a half of one percent of the vote on only one other occasion (1996).

1972 = 0.0%
1976 = 0.21%
1980 = 1.06%
1984 = 0.25%
1988 = 0.47%
1992 = 0.28%
1996 = 0.50%
2000 = 0.36%
2004 = 0.32%

Libertarians have been very successful, however, in getting on the ballot in most states. The Party has achieved ballot access in at least 46 states in every year since 1980, with the exception of 1984 (36 states). In 2008, Libertarians have already received ballot access in 30 states, with more to come.

In a little known fact about the controversial 2000 election, the Florida outcome only came into play because Libertarian nominee Harry Browne had already tipped the state of New Mexico to Al Gore. Gore defeated George W. Bush by just 366 votes, while Browne pulled 2,058 votes away from its closer ideological cousin, the GOP.

In 2008, Libertarian nominee Barr has already made noise by polling at 4 percent or more in three surveys in his home state of Georgia, tightening that reliably deep red state. But Barr’s impact is most likely going to be felt out West, in states like South Dakota, Montana, Colorado, New Mexico, and Alaska. John McCain and Barack Obama are both polling quite competitively in these states – most of which have a history of supporting third parties.

Although traditional Libertarian supporters may not be full of enthusiasm for their nominee, some Republicans (e.g. the Ron Paul wing) are disgruntled enough with the GOP to lend significant support to Barr. Barr’s campaign platform advocates the cutting of corporate welfare, cutting taxes (including eliminating the income tax), adopting a policy of non-intervention for foreign affairs, and championing individual rights (though the abortion issue remains tricky for the former Congressman).

In recent years, successful third party campaigns (e.g. Ross Perot in 1992 and Ralph Nader in 2000) have been an outgrowth of dissatisfaction with the ruling party in the White House (Perot drawing support from economic conservatives unhappy with George H.W. Bush’s performance and Nader drawing support from environmentalists and consumer advocates dissatisfied with the Clinton/Gore administration). Barr therefore hopes to recruit supporters among traditional Republicans who are disgruntled with both the economic and foreign policies of President George W. Bush.

Barr, like many third party candidates, faces financial hurdles to get his message out. But even if Barr receives just 1 or 2 percent of the vote, he could tip key states in favor of Obama to assure a Democratic victory in 2008.

Wednesday, July 16, 2008

MN State House: Independence Party Stops the Bleeding

The Independence Party has stopped the bleeding.

After leaving a major footprint on Minnesota State House races in the 2000, 2002, and 2004 elections, the number of IP candidates on the ballot greatly declined in 2006 to just nine districts. At the time of the close of Tuesday’s filing deadline, 10 districts will see an IP candidate's name on the ballot in November’s general election (Districts 01A, 03A, 04A, 07B, 11A, 51A, 54B, 58B, 59A, and 59B).

In 2000, the IP fielded candidates in 27 House races – a significant 20 percent of all districts in the state. That number held steady at 27 in 2002, dropping slightly to 21 districts in 2004 (16 percent of all districts). The plunge to just nine districts in 2006 marked a low-point for the Party, although its candidates were able to average 5.7 percent of the vote. That number, however, had also fallen from high points in 2000 (9.9 percent) and 2002 (10.1 percent). In 2004, the 21 candidates averaged 7.1 percent of the vote.

Rightly or wrongly, the Independence Party, which still holds major party status in the state thanks to Peter Hutchinson garnering 6.4 percent of the 2006 gubernatorial vote, has faced an identity crisis in recent years due to the perception that it is closely aligned with the platform of the DFL.

Many of the Core Values of the IP’s platform, do suggest an ideological overlap with Democratic Party principles (e.g. protecting the environment, defense of personal liberties, embracing diversity etc.); however, other Core Values not so long ago would have been associated with the GOP (e.g. local government control, fiscal responsibility).

The impact of the Independence Party on the DFL and Republican vote will be examined at Smart Politics later this week.

Tuesday, July 15, 2008

MN Senate: Ventura Out, Barkley In, Coleman & Franken Split in Two New Polls

As Jesse Ventura announced he would not challenge Norm Coleman in the 2008 Minnesota U.S. Senate race, two new polls were released revealing vastly different results.

Ventura, before Larry King’s national audience on CNN, stated he would not seek Coleman’s Senate seat, giving a variety of reasons along the way. Ventura’s fear of how such a campaign would affect his family – indicting the Minnesota press once again for how they treated his son during his gubernatorial reign – was the foremost reason he gave for staying out of the race. Ventura also suggested his disgust with politics generally – claiming he has no one to support in the presidential race and may not even vote. In the 30 minute interview, Ventura went on to attack, sometimes subtly, sometimes not, politicians who wish to stop illegal immigration, the media for covering the controversy involving Barack Obama’s former church, the Democrats for passing the FISA legislation last week, and, of course, George W. Bush and his ‘religious inspiration.’ In the end, Ventura stated he preferred a life of surfing, because “the ocean does not lie” but his government does.

With Ventura out of the race, the path was clear for long-time friend Dean Barkley to jump in – which he did last night. Barkley was appointed by Ventura in 2002 to serve out the remainder of Paul Wellstone’s term prior to Coleman filling the seat in January 2003.

Two new polls of the country’s highest profile Senate race were released yesterday, yielding wildly different results. In Rasmussen’s July 10th poll of 500 likely voters, Franken led Coleman 44 to 42 percent, within the survey’s margin of error. This was the first time Franken had led in any poll since a mid-February Rasmussen survey. Franken has only led Coleman in 3 of 23 surveys dating back to February 2007.

In SurveyUSA’s July 11-13 poll of 641 registered voters, Coleman’s advantage was measured at 13 points – 52 to 39 percent. This marked Coleman’s largest lead since a May 2007 MPR poll which had Coleman up by 22 points. Coleman has now polled above 50 percent in three of the last four public surveys (the exception being the new Rasmussen survey).

In Ventura’s interview he stated he would not endorse either Coleman or Franken, though he did not offer any substantive critique of Franken’s policy positions. Ventura was perhaps already aware Barkley would enter the race and presumably will endorse his old friend at some point in the campaign.

Both Coleman and Franken will face primary challenges on September 9th – including perennial candidates Jack Shepard on the Republican side and Dick Franson and Ole Savoir on the DFL side. Priscilla Lord Farris, a St. Paul attorney, is expected to file papers to run as a DFL-er today. Three independence party candidates have also filed plus Charles Aldrich, a Libertarian.

Monday, July 14, 2008

Rasmussen Poll: Obama Up Big in MN, IA, Competitive in the Dakotas

Barack Obama is looking to become the first Democratic candidate to sweep the Upper Midwest since Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964. New polling by Rasmussen indicates Obama is currently competitive enough in the Dakotas to have a chance at doing just that.

In South Dakota, a survey of 500 likely voters conducted on July 9th finds John McCain with a 44 to 40 percent lead, with 7 percent supporting a third party candidate and 9 percent uncertain. South Dakota has only voted Democratic one time in a presidential race since 1940 (for LBJ in ’64) and just three times since Statehood (also voting for FDR in 1932 and 1936). An Obama win in South Dakota would therefore assure that John McCain lost the White House in a landslide election.

A poll of 500 likely North Dakota voters released last week by Rasmussen found McCain and Obama deadlocked in a 43 to 43 percent tie.

In Minnesota, Rasmussen’s poll of 500 likely voters on July 10th measures Obama’s lead at 17 points – 52 to 35 percent – the same margin yielded by Quinnipiac’s late June survey. Obama has polled ahead of McCain by double digits in six of the last eight matchup polls in the Gopher State.

According to a July 10th Rasmussen poll of 500 likely voters in Iowa, Obama leads McCain by 10 points – 51 to 41 percent. Obama has led McCain in all public polling conducted this year, but his advantage had not risen to double-digits since mid-February until this new survey.

Rasmussen’s July 8th poll in Wisconsin also found Obama up by double-digits: 50 to 39 percent. As discussed at Smart Politics on June 30th, Wisconsin and Iowa have voted together in 35 of 40 presidential elections since 1848.

George W. Bush is giving Obama an early Christmas present with low approval ratings across all five states: 37 percent in North Dakota, 34 percent in Wisconsin, 33 percent in South Dakota, 29 percent in Iowa, and a record 24 percent in Minnesota.

Sunday, July 13, 2008

Wisconsin Assembly Poised to Flip to Democratic Control

The filing deadline for candidacy papers closed last week in Madison and Democrats, who took control of the state Senate in 2006, appear poised to do the same in the Assembly in 2008.

Republicans will face an uphill battle holding onto their current 5-seat majority in the lower legislative chamber (52 to 47). Republicans have controlled the Assembly since the election of 1994, and their advantage grew with every election cycle from 1994 (3 seats), to 1996 (5 seats), to 1998 (11 seats), to 2000 (13 seats), to 2002 (17 seats), to 2004 (21 seats). In 2006, however, that advantage fell to just 5 seats after the Democrats gained 8 seats (Smart Politics projected a 7-seat gain for the minority party).

Assuming, for the moment, that all incumbents facing primary challenges in September will be victorious, Republicans will have 46 incumbents on the ballot, compared to 42 for the Democrats. Republicans, however, will need to defend twice as many seats that were competitive in 2006 (16 districts) than will the Democrats (8 districts). (Competitive races are defined as those decided by 10 points or less in the previous election cycle).

Secondly, Republicans will have to defend one more open seat (6) than the Democrats (5) and three of these open seats are located in competitive districts (#47, 57, and 92). None of the open Democratic seats were competitive districts in 2006.

Thirdly, Democrats will also run more than one-quarter of their incumbents (11) without a challenger from the GOP. Republicans, meanwhile, will only run 3 of their 46 incumbents free from the challenge of a Democratic candidate.

If the Democrats net just 3 seats in November, and maintain their advantage in the state Senate, they will control both the legislative and executive branches of government for the first time in Wisconsin since the 1984 election cycle.

Friday, July 11, 2008

Obama Maintains Double-Digit Lead in Wisconsin

A new Rasmussen survey of 500 likely voters in Wisconsin finds Barack Obama maintaining a substantial lead over John McCain. The Rasmussen poll measures Obama’s advantage over McCain at 11 points – 50 to 39 percent.

These results are in line with the three previous Wisconsin surveys conducted during the past month that measured Obama’s lead at 13 points (Quinnipiac, June 17-24), 9 points (SurveyUSA, June 13-16), and 13 points (Badger Poll, June 8-10). Obama has now led McCain in 6 straight polls dating back to mid-May and 12 of 15 polls since January 2008.

Despite the double-digit deficit and ominous political environment for the Senator from Arizona, there was some good news for McCain coming out of the Rasmussen survey: McCain boasts a favorability rating of 57 percent – approximately 5 points higher than George W. Bush in his re-election campaign in late June 2004 (Badger Poll). The problem for McCain is that Obama is seen in even a more favorable light – 61 percent – and noticeably more than 2004 Badger State victor John Kerry from four years ago (48 percent, Los Angeles Times poll).

What this means is that McCain is liked well enough by Wisconsin voters to put him in a competitive position, especially in the face of a misstep by Obama. McCain is campaigning in Wisconsin today – his third general election visit to the Badger State.

Thursday, July 10, 2008

Ralph Nader and The Matrix Trilogy

When I was on Sirius Satellite Radio’s “The Blog Bunker” yesterday I was asked how the Democratic-led U.S. Senate approval of the latest FISA legislation would have on the presidential election – and whether the left wing of the party would feel betrayed (by Barack Obama’s support of the bill).

I explained to the host that the Democrats that supported the measure (including Obama) realized that they would risk losing the center of the country (political independents) by voting against a high-profile piece of legislation with ‘national security’ ramifications. The vote was smart politics.

And what will happen to the potentially disaffected far left who are seemingly bashing Obama all over the blogosphere? I told the host that Obama has little to worry about in the end, as the risk of these liberals flocking to Ralph Nader is very slim.

And that is when I explained how Ralph Nader’s presidential candidacies have mirrored The Matrix Trilogy:

The first Matrix film received very good notices, but did not hit the box office with a big bang – it was a grower. “The Matrix” debuted with just 37 million in North America – solid and respectable, but not stopping the country in its tracks. Critics and fans who did take note of the film raved.

Likewise, Nader’s first presidential campaign, in 1996, did not have much of an impact, although the consumer advocate’s favorable reputation remained intact. Nader garnered just 0.7 percent of the vote on the Green ticket that year. As “The Matrix” was seen as perhaps the best sci-fil film of its time, Nader was still largely viewed by those who were aware of him as a tireless fighter for the environment and consumers.

The second Matrix film (“The Matrix Reloaded”) received a lot of press build-up, and made a big impression at the box office – grossing 134 million in North America in its first weekend – bringing in moviegoers who had not seen the first installment at the theaters, but had learned about it through media buzz and on DVD. However, fans were not as pleased with how the plot unfolded in this second installment. After all the hype, the film was a letdown.

Likewise, Nader’s second run at the White House, in 2000, generated enormous media buzz, and voters flocked in much greater numbers to his campaign at the ballot box. Nader won 2.7 percent of the nation-wide vote (nearly four times more than in 1996). In the end, however, many voters (i.e. Democrats) who supported his campaign were disgruntled with the outcome – the plot of this story unfolded with a George W. Bush presidency.

The third Matrix film (“The Matrix Revolutions”) saw a huge dropoff of nearly 40 percent in its opening weekend from its predecessor (83 million) and went on to make less than half of “Reloaded” and 40 million less than the original. There was much less hype for “Revolutions” and critics and fans alike were unmoved by the film. The trilogy ended with a whimper.

Similarly, Nader’s third run at the White House, in 2004, went barely noticed by the press, and the reformist also won the lowest number of votes of his three campaigns – just 0.4 percent. The campaign was considered a disaster.

Ralph Nader may not know this yet, but there was no 4th Matrix. If it had been made it would likely have performed the poorest of series; a 4th Nader candidacy, competing against Obama and his nearly unblemished liberal voting record in the U.S. Senate, would undoubtedly fair just the same.

Wednesday, July 9, 2008

Smart Politics On "The Blog Bunker" Today

Smart Politics' Eric Ostermeier will be a guest on Sirius Satellite Radio's "The Blog Bunker" program this afternoon. The lively political talk program, hosted by Joe Salzone, broadcasts from 4pm - 5pm CST on Indie Talk 110.

Tuesday, July 8, 2008

Obama Making Inroads in Deep Red States, Lagging in Reddish-Purple States

In the 2004 presidential election, George W. Bush won 31 states while John Kerry won 19 plus the District of Columbia.

According to the most recent public opinion polls, Barack Obama is currently in a strong position to win all of the “Kerry states” and is running strong enough in a few “Bush states” (e.g. Iowa, New Mexico, Colorado, Virginia, Montana) as well as leading in the national polls to make him the favorite (at the moment) to win in November.

Of the 31 states Bush won in 2004, 22 were blowout victories by double-digit margins, while 9 were competitive contests decided by less than 10 points. In an interesting twist this election season, Obama is faring much better than Kerry did in the 22 deep red ‘blowout states,’ but faring poorer than Kerry in the reddish-purple ‘competitive Bush states.’

Here’s the evidence:

Non-partisan public opinion polls have been conducted in 18 of the 22 ‘deep red’ states during the past 3-4 weeks: Alaska, Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, and West Virginia (current polling is not available in Idaho, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming). (Note: a few of these states have a strong Democratic presence in state politics and even on Capitol Hill; they are labeled ‘deep-red’ for the purposes of discussion here in reference to Bush’s 2004 margin of victory).

In the most recent polls for each state, Obama is polling ahead of Bush’s 2004 margin of victory in 16 of the 18 states (the exceptions being Louisiana and Tennessee – although Obama is within a point in each of those states as well). Bush won these 18 deep red states by an average of 21.6 points in 2004, while Obama is currently polling at an average deficit of just 9.2 points. Obama even leads McCain in the most recent surveys of likely voters in Indiana and Montana.

There is, of course, a world of difference between what polls tell us in June and July, and what voters have to say in November. So Smart Politics also looked at the Bush-Kerry matchup polling in each of these states at the point closest in time to the respective June/July 2008 McCain-Obama polls.

How was Kerry performing in these deep red states at this time back in the summer of 2004?

Comparable polls were available in 15 of the 18 states (all but Mississippi, Nebraska, and Utah), and, at this time in 2004, Kerry was polling at an average deficit of 14.5 points across those states. This tells us a few things.

First, while Obama is polling noticeably better than Kerry in these deep red states (by 5 points on average), it is likely that McCain will eventually bolster his lead in these states come November, just as Bush did by about 7 points per state in 2004. (Although Kerry’s polling was primarily damaged by a specific incident – the Swift Boat controversy).

Second, this data per se does not demonstrate so much that that these deep red states are more enamored with Obama (whose voting record, after all, is even more liberal than Kerry’s), as it suggests they are less enthused with the once maverick Republican Senator from Arizona. Given Obama’s policy positions and voting record, the vast majority of undecided Republican voters will ultimately back McCain, even if they are not thrilled with his campaign to date.

Obama’s strong performance in these deep-red states does not translate, however, into momentum in the reddish-purple “competitive Bush states” – those states that the President won by single digits in 2004. Of these 9 states, Obama is polling ahead of where Kerry was sitting in 2004 in just two of them: Colorado (10 points better than Kerry) and Virginia (5 points better). Obama is even with Kerry’s position in 2004 in Iowa and is polling behind Kerry’s mark in Florida (by 12 points), Arkansas (by 10 points), Nevada (by 7 points), New Mexico (by 4 points), Ohio (by 4 points), and Missouri (by 3 points).

Back in the summer of 2004 Kerry was actually leading Bush in 6 of these 9 states, with an average advantage of 1.7 points. Kerry ultimately lost these states by an average of 4.6 points. Recent polls tell us Obama is currently leading McCain in 5 of these 9 states; the question is whether they will likewise slip away from the Democrats as they did in 2004?

Monday, July 7, 2008

CSPG Report: The Third Party Impact in 2008

The Center for the Study of Politics and Governance has released a report studying the potential impact third parties may have on the 2008 presidential race. From the report:

"Third parties may determine the outcome of the 2008 presidential contest between the presumptive Democratic and Republican Party candidates, Senator Barack Obama and Senator John McCain. Careful review of recent presidential and statewide elections reveals two central findings that may provide the key to the 2008 presidential race:

· Third party candidates have enjoyed persistent success in gubernatorial and U.S. Senate elections since the 1990s. These results may be leading indicators of voter inclination to vote for a third party presidential candidate.

· Third party candidates may impact the Obama-McCain contest by shaping the debate and, more dramatically, by playing King Maker by capitalizing on third party successes in as many as 28 state-wide races in 2006.

The report, co-authored by Center Director Larry Jacobs and Smart Politics' Eric Ostermeier, examines how third parties played King Maker in 17 gubernatorial and U.S. Senate races from 1998 through 2006 (a third party is 'King Maker' when it receives more votes than the margin of victory and the losing major party was ideologically related to the King Maker (e.g. Libertarian/Republican; Green/Democrat)).

The report details that while Democrats fear the "Nader effect" from 2000, Libertarians have denied numerous GOP victories in statewide races over the years (e.g. Maria Cantwell's 2000 U.S. Senate victory in Washington, Jon Tester's 2006 Senate victory in Montana). From the report:

In the 2002 South Dakota U.S. Senate election, the 3,070 votes for Libertarian candidate Kurt Evans were enough to upend Republican John Thune’s effort to beat Democrat Tim Johnson. When it became apparent that Evans might tip the race to Johnson, the Libertarian actually dropped out of the race in mid-October 2002 and endorsed Thune, stating, “I’ve suspended my campaign and endorsed John Thune in the race for the U.S. Senate. I’ve always had more agreements than disagreements with Congressman Thune on the issues.” Nonetheless, Johnson prevailed thanks to lingering statewide support for Evans.

The attention to Libertarian presidential nominee Bob Barr has increased in recent weeks after two surveys by InsiderAdvantage found him polling at 6 and 4 percent in his home (deep red) state of Georgia, causing McCain's lead to fall within the poll's margin of error.

The full report can be found here: http://politicsandgovernance.org/reports/2008/Third_Party_Impact.pdf

Thursday, July 3, 2008

Democrats in Best Position to Take Control of SD Senate Since 1992

While Democrats have been able to win statewide elections in South Dakota in recent years (Tim Johnson, Tom Daschle, Stephanie Herseth), Republicans have thoroughly dominated district races for the state legislature. Since 1960, Democrats have only eked out a tie in the House (1972) and have controlled the Senate after the elections of 1972, 1974, and 1992.

In 2006, Democrats picked up 5 seats in the Senate, reducing the GOP’s margin from 25-10 to 20-15. And now, for the first time since 1992, Democrats have a real shot at winning back the State’s upper legislative chamber. Here’s why:

• First of all, due to term limits, retirements etc., Democrats will actually have more incumbents on the ballot (13) than will the Republicans (11).

• Republicans will therefore be defending more than four times as many open seats (9) than Democrats (2). Neither of the open seats on the Democratic side was competitive in 2006 (decided by 10 points or less), while two open seats for the GOP (Districts 25 and 35) were very competitive during the last election cycle (decided by 5 points or less).

• Thirdly, Democratic candidates will be unchallenged by the GOP in four races (Districts 1, 2, 4, and 15), compared to just one race in which the Democrats did not field a candidate against Republicans (District 30).

• Overall, the Democratic and Republican parties will be trying to hold about an equal number of districts that were competitive in 2006: seven for the Democrats, and six for the Republicans.

With a very popular U.S. Senator (Tim Johnson) and at-large U.S. Representative (Stephanie Herseth) on the ballot, Democrats are looking at their best chance to take back the Senate in a generation.

Hubert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs
The views and opinions expressed in this page are strictly those of the page author. The contents of this page have not been reviewed or approved by the University of Minnesota.
The views and opinions expressed in this page are strictly those of the page author. The contents of this page have not been reviewed or approved by the University of Minnesota.