OBE 4: A convoulted grasp at Castells' notion of the dual city
With the ever increasing speed of technology that has led to fundamental changes in society, the information technology revolution that Castells elaborates upon has had a profound effect upon the social structure of cities. Of primary importance is how this technological revolution has facilitated the rise of a global economy, which in turn has brought with it the increasing polarization among classes to the point of what Castells calls a dual city. While the idea of segregation within the urban context is hardly a new phenomenon, the catalyst that Castells is proposing gives contemporary insights into urban social stratification.
To describe the formation of this urban dichotomy, Castells cites various social movements and groups who not only change the social structure of cities but are sources of contention as to how various spaces should be used or valued. Environmentalists seek sustainable development, feminists seek updated labor policies, changes in familial division of labor, all of these factors are affecting what is expected from cities and the economic and political practices they accommodate. Included in Castells accounts of the social dualisms he sees developing are the marginalized drug culture and homeless facet, commonly relegated to the ghettos of the city. While all these groups play a role in the social dynamics of a city, Castells sets his focus primarily on the influx of immigrants into western European cities and how their presence in contrast with the older native population are what create the starkest polarization. In describing the effects of this contrast, Castells states “There follows a formation of cities made up of spatially coexisting, socially exclusive groups and functions, that live in an increasingly uneasy tension vis-á-vis each other (483). This juxtaposition of such disparate groups within one context is what creates this dual city concept. Social heterogeneity, as has been illustrated by Wirth and others, is not enough of a reason for this dramatic segregation. The cause of this urban dualism is what Castells calls the “Informational City”, characterized by a predominance of the “space of flows” over the “space of places”.
This concept of a space of flows is somewhat of an abstract concept, but Castells does his best to describe it when he says “By space of flows I refer to the system of exchanges of information, capital, and power that structures the basic processes of societies, economies and states between different localities, regardless of localization” (483). With this synchronization of the institutions of the state and the economy, the maintenance of the interconnectivity of these institutions has superceded the importance of the industrial function in cities, which in many “northern” countries has been migrated to the cheaper land values of the suburbs long ago. While in many major American cities the professional class have gone into, as Castells calls it, “suburban exile”, the European bourgeoisie have laid claim to rehabilitated sectors of the city (481). This refusal to allow the dangers of the city to drive many of the, again to use Castells’ less than favorable language, “weak and fearful American elite” into the suburbs seems to be part of the logic behind the impetus of many bourgeois suburban dwellers to return to the city as evidenced for example by the recent proliferation of condos in Minneapolis. This desire for a neighborhood that segregates itself from the surrounding city is where much of the contention arises between lower class citizens and the professional elite in how various spaces will be constituted. Furthermore, since the work of this new professional elite tends to work towards global ends, there is a significant disconnect between the interests of this class with those of the working class who are at a significant disadvantage to have a say in the forces that significantly shape some facets of their lives.
What Castells purports as a solution to this disconnect is to utilize the information technology that has become the economic engine of the informational city to enable local governments to become better connected to their citizens. This conflation of technology with citizen involvement is what Castells sees as how local governments can work to repair this gap between globally minded professionals and locally minded working class citizens. While this sounds like a good idea, Castells is forgetting to take into account that the social capital of the professional elite, in this case their higher degree of access to and experience with the technology, would still place them at an advantage to the working class, hence limiting how effective this technique could be. While I cannot think of any sort of alternative of how to stop the juggernaut of globalization, Castells’ idea seems riddled with flaws that extend beyond the obvious one I touched upon. Nevertheless, he has definitely taken the urban social stratification issue of the nineteenth and early twentieth century and demonstrated how it has evolved into its modern forms.
The world has become a global village; all has to do with the introduction of technology. Manuel Castells, a sociologist born in French described the future of the world with technology. Presently, it is difficult to find a society without any form of technology or a society that does not depend on technology to maintain its border. Technology put an end to countries that monopolized trade, like Britain. For example, capitalism was just a system in a country but with the help of technology is has increasingly become a global practice. The purpose of this essay is to discuss the positive and negative aspect of technology in the world.
Cities have being created years before the introduction of technology, and so with improvement in technology the world has continuously relay on knowledge for future advancement. It has changed the social, political and economic aspects of society and progressively interfering in culture. In terms of social situation, people do not have to work hard to know or go through rigorous means of finding intimate relationship or making friends, most interestingly, they don’t have to live their house. For example, sites like “ Myspace” , “Hi5” and “ Facebook” has created international friendship, and people are getting marry because these sites. These internet sites have pictures, location and detail description of people’s life including what they like and don’t like. With this convenience, shy people can freely communicate with others before even meeting them in person. Parties, funeral, sports and meeting can also be posted there. In politics, national and international issues are on the mass media, and so the world war is aware of what is going on in different countries. For example the bombing of the world trade center went on news as soon as it happened; with these political leaders were able to put security measures in place to prevent this from occurring in their own country. Even at airports different detectors were stationed to keep terrorists from getting in the airports. The American government used technology to chase down those responsible for the horrific bombing. Presently, a country is class superior according to the economic stability, with globalization the pillar to success, the more international trade a country has the more respect it gets. Both small and large companies has some kind of technology, for example the elevators, telephone, cars, internet, and camera system for the smooth and safe running of the enterprise. As the saying goes no man is and island and no man stand alone, so are countries cant provide goods and services to maintain its citizens but rather depends on other countries production and services for their survival. Technologies have helped stabilized poor countries and help limit the power of leaders against their subjects. With the above maintain reasons it is evidently clear that the advent of this means smooth the life and in proved production. For example in industries there are high division of labor and specialization which increase production, things that were made manually and took days to make can be made in half the time or less with technology.
With all the positives effects of technology in the world, the negatives aspects are inevitable. With the world being global village privacy has stopped to exist or if it does it is at a hard to be recognized. In American for instance, everybody has a number ( social security ) and it is installed in the computer system, this gives the political leaders access to people’s personal information or when criminal gets hold of it he/she used it for personal benefit. Most people has lost their culture because of the used internet , information are manipulated by the write and digested by the reader. On sites, people impersonate so they and get close to others. With the continuous used of technology, the countries has lost their national identity with the in folk of immigrants.
Technology has really helped a lot. Communication has become easier and more open to people. With this, people also get to improve their communication skills and develop good relationship with others.
But yes, there is always the negative effect of technologies. People become more dependent on technologies that sometimes they isolate themselves indoors. Health problems also occur due to less physical activities.
OBE: Information, Information Everywhere but Not a Drop to Drink
Manuel Castells writes in “European Cities, the Information Society, and the Global Economy” about the importance of information in social organization. He suggests that information is not only being commodified, but that “economic productivity, cultural hegemony and political military power depend, fundamentally, on the capacity to retrieve, store, process and generate information and knowledge” (478). This new global dependence, and interdependence, on information is giving rise to more than just an information-as-commodity model, but more of an information-as-industry model with accompanying agencies and occupations. Castells says this is a new form of globalization which calls for increased mobility, and as such increasingly heterogenized cities. This in turn puts national identities under attack, forcing individuals to adopt and express identities closer to home, i.e., local, cultural, or ethnic ones. These new identities are stratified into the political opportunity structure, and while certain target identities may fall into “territorially based countercultures” (480), all of them seem to organize geographically around their corresponding mini-identities. Castells (I think, I’m a little shaky on this) says that ultimately residents of cities in the grander information society separate into two mega-groups: those with access to the information industry and those who are disenfranchised. I get the feeling that he suggests this is problematic because of the structural strain it will place on the city, i.e., that it cannot restructure to accommodate this massive polarization and that the intermediary state of specialized neighborhoods to fit mini-identities ought to be maintained.
I seem to take particular notice of Castells’ ideas of identity and social movements, specifically the “territorially based countercultures.” The idea that these countercultures are collectively withdrawing out of a lack of hope of reform into the spaces which are relevant to their identity, culture, and lives is provocative. The sentiment that the world at large may be corrupt, but we can claim our enclave is worth pursuing, but I don’t agree with how Castells politicizes it: the desire for a place to call my own has nothing to do with my belief that I cannot fix larger problems. Also (regardless of my own opinions), Castells seems to ignore the idea that this withdrawal is not so much a conscious political decision but rather a product of the opportunity structure; if one is consistently denied the agency necessary to conduct ones life, then self-segregation may be less of a choice as a habit.
Habit seems too weak of a term to me. I would say something more like involuntary confinement or imprisonment. Castells seems to be describing more of a war between two hostile camps than a peaceful retreat into respective quarters. If these countercultures would simply go where the opportunity structure allowed them there would be no conflict. The problem is that the space of flows is trying to flow on into the space of places, and the groups already occupying the space of places don't like Kentucky Fried Chicken all that much.
GROUP WORK-Economic Power in Informational vs. Industrial Cities
In informational cities, Castells says that "Material production, as well as services, become subordinate to the handling of information in the system of production and in the organization of society." This is a key quote in understanding how information technology (IT) impacts economic, and even social, power as opposed to the Industrial cities, where the more you could manufacture, the more could be sold, and someone right there was making money from it. Castells thinks of IT as the 'raw material' for which to organize and accumulate wealth whereas industrial cities needed the more literal interpretation of raw.
Another 'key determinant' of economic power has to do with the global economy that results from technological advances. He makes a point to mention this as global, referring to the space that it covers, and not a world economy, for not everyone is a part of what he calls "the space of flows." This is basically the modern economic communication system of individuals and companies allowing access to them to, in a sense, become more efficient, which isn't necessarily a good thing. The space of flows occurs primarily in the North, whereas industrial time periods were capitalistic mostly relating east to west. The southern hemisphere is where the raw materials used by the more powerful North are located, and so they basically are exploited. In Industrial cities, workers were exploited locally by their known business owners, now people don't even know who is pretty much screwing them and their developing country.
Anyways, feel free to comment or add anything I may have missed from pages 477-479.
In our group today in class, it was our consensus that in Castells model of the dual city the location of the production in the INdustrial City was located in the central city. In the Information City, the location of production moved into the suburbs. It is important to note that although the location of the production moved into the suburbs, there was open communication to the city through nodes. Castells writes, "Suburbs are also the locys of industrial production in Europen cities, both for traditional manufacturing and for the new high technology industries that locate in new peripheries of the major metropolitan areas, close enough to the communication centers but removed from older industrial districts" (481).
In Industrial societies, the success of the economy depends mainly on the ability to sell local resources and
manufacture goods. The businesses that make up the economy in Industrial societies are rather centralized
in certain areas, and are rather independant and self-sustaining in that they are usually locally based.
In contrast, Informational societies' economic success depends on the ability to break into and sustain a place in the "space of flows", meaning maintaining access and control of information, and communication with other informational
societies. Informational societies are much more interdependant in the nature of their economy as the sustenance of the society depends on having connections with other societies to exchange information and resources, thus the
notion of the "global economy" in Informational socieites.
A new idea, a new way of life from the industrial city to the information city. Social movements have been very prominent in society but they have changed through time. During the industrial society the focus of social movements reflected economic pressures and ideologies. The demands of unions were for higher wages and increased economic success. A shift to the information city led to a new wave of social movements concerning social rights, protests, individual and group freedoms, rather than specifically wages and economic conditions. Castells says, "some of the new social movements, the most defensive, the most reactive, have taken and will be taking the form of territorially based countercultures, occupying a given space to cut themselves off from the outside world., hopeless of being able to transform the society they refuse" (480). The new movements became extremely active in order to send a clear message of the wants and needs.
Castells compares the new and the old within the urban structure, as a dichotomous relationship. He says, "The occupation of urban space by the new poverty and the new marginality takes two forms: the tolerated ghettoes where marginalized people are permitted to stay, out of sight of the mainstream society; the open presence in the core area of cities of 'street people' , a risky strategy , but at the same time a survival technique since only there do they exist, an thus only there can they relate to society, either looking for a chance or provoking a final blow" (481). This relationship demonstrates a new shift, one that has changed society permanently.
OBE #4 Space Flow’s Influence towards a Dual City (revised)
My particular interest on space flow is how capitalists’ use information technology to further disconnect socio-economic classes. It took me a bit to conceptualize “space flow” and whether the term is positive or negative. In general society is extremely fortunate that information technologies ease communication mobility. That said, the technical use of information is expensive and supports capitalist power used to further isolates social classes. Webber and Castells agree we’re living in an information era that no longer relies on urban spatial settings to produce affluent communities. The paradox of space flow is that it inspires communication creating multicultural friendly environments which is great, but it also instigates a dual city of separate social classes. Space flow is rapidly impacting society due to the increase of capitalist power and the extinction of social mobility. The technological revolution threatens social mobility by abusing information and as Castell says is, “polarizing social groups according to their skills.” (481) Societal isolation through space flow is made possible when a select few choose the direction for the technologically driven global economy. As information technology continues to develop we may be entering the age of exploitation in the purest Marxian form. This information era is basically just a progressive overrepresentation of previous nodal capitalist societies. Like Webber explains, “Large metropolitan centers that used to be primarily goods-producing loci have become interchangeable junctions within the international communications networks.” (473) The difference is that today the power is far more concentrated and information technology is producing constant corporate intercourse.
It’s hardly a secret that businesses create social bonds to sustain economic prestige however these globe trotting hooligans are using space flow that puts society at risk for becoming a“duel cities.” For one, space flow eases the ability to outsource production with minimal workers. Information technology also encourages capitalists to reach an extensive market to universally exploit. The point Castells is trying to make is that using technology is shrinking the working class by dissipating the job market meanwhile increasing institutional relationships. It’s great that businesses can flourish through technological advances such as email, video conferencing or simple cell phone use and attract international relations. The problem is that “Only a minority of people are truly integrated into the global economy and the entire dominant economic and political centre’s are concentrated networks” (478) The reason we’re headed towards a duel city is because space flow makes institutional intercourse effortless and simplifies capitalists’ search of new markets to exploit at a faster pace then previous generations.
Castell and Webber argue that we’re headed towards a duel city is due to the increase of polarizing capital harmony that’s concentrating all the wealth, technology and power. “As levels of education and skill rise, more and more people are being tied into the spatially extensive communities that used to only engage a few.” (473)
Webber argues that information technology, or space flow, changes the structure in traditional cosmopolitan areas because capital powers are not bond to a physical city. It’s becoming increasingly less significant for companies to geographically locate their business to target a specific market because they can reach an international crowd through virtual technology.
Nice work on the castells and Webber Valarie. I would agree that outsourcing is one of the major concerns that Castells is talking about, although I’m not sure that he would be as quick to say that outsourcing is bad in and of itself. The problem with the space of flows according to Castells, at least as I read him, is that they have become too powerful, thus leaving cities in a prime position to reclaim some of the power that the global economy has wrested from the nation-state – in other words, to mediate between the space of flows and the space of places.
The views and opinions expressed in this page are strictly those of the page author. The contents of this page have not been reviewed or approved by the University of Minnesota.
March 22, 2007
OBE 4: A convoulted grasp at Castells' notion of the dual city
With the ever increasing speed of technology that has led to fundamental changes in society, the information technology revolution that Castells elaborates upon has had a profound effect upon the social structure of cities. Of primary importance is how this technological revolution has facilitated the rise of a global economy, which in turn has brought with it the increasing polarization among classes to the point of what Castells calls a dual city. While the idea of segregation within the urban context is hardly a new phenomenon, the catalyst that Castells is proposing gives contemporary insights into urban social stratification.
To describe the formation of this urban dichotomy, Castells cites various social movements and groups who not only change the social structure of cities but are sources of contention as to how various spaces should be used or valued. Environmentalists seek sustainable development, feminists seek updated labor policies, changes in familial division of labor, all of these factors are affecting what is expected from cities and the economic and political practices they accommodate. Included in Castells accounts of the social dualisms he sees developing are the marginalized drug culture and homeless facet, commonly relegated to the ghettos of the city. While all these groups play a role in the social dynamics of a city, Castells sets his focus primarily on the influx of immigrants into western European cities and how their presence in contrast with the older native population are what create the starkest polarization. In describing the effects of this contrast, Castells states “There follows a formation of cities made up of spatially coexisting, socially exclusive groups and functions, that live in an increasingly uneasy tension vis-á-vis each other (483). This juxtaposition of such disparate groups within one context is what creates this dual city concept. Social heterogeneity, as has been illustrated by Wirth and others, is not enough of a reason for this dramatic segregation. The cause of this urban dualism is what Castells calls the “Informational City”, characterized by a predominance of the “space of flows” over the “space of places”.
This concept of a space of flows is somewhat of an abstract concept, but Castells does his best to describe it when he says “By space of flows I refer to the system of exchanges of information, capital, and power that structures the basic processes of societies, economies and states between different localities, regardless of localization” (483). With this synchronization of the institutions of the state and the economy, the maintenance of the interconnectivity of these institutions has superceded the importance of the industrial function in cities, which in many “northern” countries has been migrated to the cheaper land values of the suburbs long ago. While in many major American cities the professional class have gone into, as Castells calls it, “suburban exile”, the European bourgeoisie have laid claim to rehabilitated sectors of the city (481). This refusal to allow the dangers of the city to drive many of the, again to use Castells’ less than favorable language, “weak and fearful American elite” into the suburbs seems to be part of the logic behind the impetus of many bourgeois suburban dwellers to return to the city as evidenced for example by the recent proliferation of condos in Minneapolis. This desire for a neighborhood that segregates itself from the surrounding city is where much of the contention arises between lower class citizens and the professional elite in how various spaces will be constituted. Furthermore, since the work of this new professional elite tends to work towards global ends, there is a significant disconnect between the interests of this class with those of the working class who are at a significant disadvantage to have a say in the forces that significantly shape some facets of their lives.
What Castells purports as a solution to this disconnect is to utilize the information technology that has become the economic engine of the informational city to enable local governments to become better connected to their citizens. This conflation of technology with citizen involvement is what Castells sees as how local governments can work to repair this gap between globally minded professionals and locally minded working class citizens. While this sounds like a good idea, Castells is forgetting to take into account that the social capital of the professional elite, in this case their higher degree of access to and experience with the technology, would still place them at an advantage to the working class, hence limiting how effective this technique could be. While I cannot think of any sort of alternative of how to stop the juggernaut of globalization, Castells’ idea seems riddled with flaws that extend beyond the obvious one I touched upon. Nevertheless, he has definitely taken the urban social stratification issue of the nineteenth and early twentieth century and demonstrated how it has evolved into its modern forms.
Posted by Justin S. at 01:17 AM | Permalink | Add a Comment (0)
Technology and the world OBE 4
The world has become a global village; all has to do with the introduction of technology. Manuel Castells, a sociologist born in French described the future of the world with technology. Presently, it is difficult to find a society without any form of technology or a society that does not depend on technology to maintain its border. Technology put an end to countries that monopolized trade, like Britain. For example, capitalism was just a system in a country but with the help of technology is has increasingly become a global practice. The purpose of this essay is to discuss the positive and negative aspect of technology in the world.
Cities have being created years before the introduction of technology, and so with improvement in technology the world has continuously relay on knowledge for future advancement. It has changed the social, political and economic aspects of society and progressively interfering in culture. In terms of social situation, people do not have to work hard to know or go through rigorous means of finding intimate relationship or making friends, most interestingly, they don’t have to live their house. For example, sites like “ Myspace” , “Hi5” and “ Facebook” has created international friendship, and people are getting marry because these sites. These internet sites have pictures, location and detail description of people’s life including what they like and don’t like. With this convenience, shy people can freely communicate with others before even meeting them in person. Parties, funeral, sports and meeting can also be posted there. In politics, national and international issues are on the mass media, and so the world war is aware of what is going on in different countries. For example the bombing of the world trade center went on news as soon as it happened; with these political leaders were able to put security measures in place to prevent this from occurring in their own country. Even at airports different detectors were stationed to keep terrorists from getting in the airports. The American government used technology to chase down those responsible for the horrific bombing. Presently, a country is class superior according to the economic stability, with globalization the pillar to success, the more international trade a country has the more respect it gets. Both small and large companies has some kind of technology, for example the elevators, telephone, cars, internet, and camera system for the smooth and safe running of the enterprise. As the saying goes no man is and island and no man stand alone, so are countries cant provide goods and services to maintain its citizens but rather depends on other countries production and services for their survival. Technologies have helped stabilized poor countries and help limit the power of leaders against their subjects. With the above maintain reasons it is evidently clear that the advent of this means smooth the life and in proved production. For example in industries there are high division of labor and specialization which increase production, things that were made manually and took days to make can be made in half the time or less with technology.
With all the positives effects of technology in the world, the negatives aspects are inevitable. With the world being global village privacy has stopped to exist or if it does it is at a hard to be recognized. In American for instance, everybody has a number ( social security ) and it is installed in the computer system, this gives the political leaders access to people’s personal information or when criminal gets hold of it he/she used it for personal benefit. Most people has lost their culture because of the used internet , information are manipulated by the write and digested by the reader. On sites, people impersonate so they and get close to others. With the continuous used of technology, the countries has lost their national identity with the in folk of immigrants.
Posted by D.philips at 01:18 AM | Permalink | Add a Comment (1)
Comments
Technology has really helped a lot. Communication has become easier and more open to people. With this, people also get to improve their communication skills and develop good relationship with others.
But yes, there is always the negative effect of technologies. People become more dependent on technologies that sometimes they isolate themselves indoors. Health problems also occur due to less physical activities.
Posted by: Communication Skills | December 7, 2007 02:47 PM
OBE: Information, Information Everywhere but Not a Drop to Drink
Manuel Castells writes in “European Cities, the Information Society, and the Global Economy” about the importance of information in social organization. He suggests that information is not only being commodified, but that “economic productivity, cultural hegemony and political military power depend, fundamentally, on the capacity to retrieve, store, process and generate information and knowledge” (478). This new global dependence, and interdependence, on information is giving rise to more than just an information-as-commodity model, but more of an information-as-industry model with accompanying agencies and occupations. Castells says this is a new form of globalization which calls for increased mobility, and as such increasingly heterogenized cities. This in turn puts national identities under attack, forcing individuals to adopt and express identities closer to home, i.e., local, cultural, or ethnic ones. These new identities are stratified into the political opportunity structure, and while certain target identities may fall into “territorially based countercultures” (480), all of them seem to organize geographically around their corresponding mini-identities. Castells (I think, I’m a little shaky on this) says that ultimately residents of cities in the grander information society separate into two mega-groups: those with access to the information industry and those who are disenfranchised. I get the feeling that he suggests this is problematic because of the structural strain it will place on the city, i.e., that it cannot restructure to accommodate this massive polarization and that the intermediary state of specialized neighborhoods to fit mini-identities ought to be maintained.
I seem to take particular notice of Castells’ ideas of identity and social movements, specifically the “territorially based countercultures.” The idea that these countercultures are collectively withdrawing out of a lack of hope of reform into the spaces which are relevant to their identity, culture, and lives is provocative. The sentiment that the world at large may be corrupt, but we can claim our enclave is worth pursuing, but I don’t agree with how Castells politicizes it: the desire for a place to call my own has nothing to do with my belief that I cannot fix larger problems. Also (regardless of my own opinions), Castells seems to ignore the idea that this withdrawal is not so much a conscious political decision but rather a product of the opportunity structure; if one is consistently denied the agency necessary to conduct ones life, then self-segregation may be less of a choice as a habit.
Posted by Sean Doe-Simkins at 02:48 AM | Permalink | Add a Comment (2)
Comments
Habit seems too weak of a term to me. I would say something more like involuntary confinement or imprisonment. Castells seems to be describing more of a war between two hostile camps than a peaceful retreat into respective quarters. If these countercultures would simply go where the opportunity structure allowed them there would be no conflict. The problem is that the space of flows is trying to flow on into the space of places, and the groups already occupying the space of places don't like Kentucky Fried Chicken all that much.
Posted by: greg | March 26, 2007 03:06 AM
PS. Is the title a personal complaint?
Posted by: Anonymous | March 26, 2007 03:11 AM
GROUP WORK-Economic Power in Informational vs. Industrial Cities
In informational cities, Castells says that "Material production, as well as services, become subordinate to the handling of information in the system of production and in the organization of society." This is a key quote in understanding how information technology (IT) impacts economic, and even social, power as opposed to the Industrial cities, where the more you could manufacture, the more could be sold, and someone right there was making money from it. Castells thinks of IT as the 'raw material' for which to organize and accumulate wealth whereas industrial cities needed the more literal interpretation of raw.
Another 'key determinant' of economic power has to do with the global economy that results from technological advances. He makes a point to mention this as global, referring to the space that it covers, and not a world economy, for not everyone is a part of what he calls "the space of flows." This is basically the modern economic communication system of individuals and companies allowing access to them to, in a sense, become more efficient, which isn't necessarily a good thing. The space of flows occurs primarily in the North, whereas industrial time periods were capitalistic mostly relating east to west. The southern hemisphere is where the raw materials used by the more powerful North are located, and so they basically are exploited. In Industrial cities, workers were exploited locally by their known business owners, now people don't even know who is pretty much screwing them and their developing country.
Anyways, feel free to comment or add anything I may have missed from pages 477-479.
Posted by Nich at 11:20 PM | Permalink | Add a Comment (0)
March 23, 2007
Location of Production in Castelles Model
In our group today in class, it was our consensus that in Castells model of the dual city the location of the production in the INdustrial City was located in the central city. In the Information City, the location of production moved into the suburbs. It is important to note that although the location of the production moved into the suburbs, there was open communication to the city through nodes. Castells writes, "Suburbs are also the locys of industrial production in Europen cities, both for traditional manufacturing and for the new high technology industries that locate in new peripheries of the major metropolitan areas, close enough to the communication centers but removed from older industrial districts" (481).
Posted by Jesse Kortuem at 01:16 AM | Permalink | Add a Comment (0)
Group Work-Nature of Economy
In Industrial societies, the success of the economy depends mainly on the ability to sell local resources and
manufacture goods. The businesses that make up the economy in Industrial societies are rather centralized
in certain areas, and are rather independant and self-sustaining in that they are usually locally based.
In contrast, Informational societies' economic success depends on the ability to break into and sustain a place in the "space of flows", meaning maintaining access and control of information, and communication with other informational
societies. Informational societies are much more interdependant in the nature of their economy as the sustenance of the society depends on having connections with other societies to exchange information and resources, thus the
notion of the "global economy" in Informational socieites.
Posted by Erica Jensen at 02:39 PM | Permalink | Add a Comment (0)
March 25, 2007
Group Work - Social Movements
A new idea, a new way of life from the industrial city to the information city. Social movements have been very prominent in society but they have changed through time. During the industrial society the focus of social movements reflected economic pressures and ideologies. The demands of unions were for higher wages and increased economic success. A shift to the information city led to a new wave of social movements concerning social rights, protests, individual and group freedoms, rather than specifically wages and economic conditions. Castells says, "some of the new social movements, the most defensive, the most reactive, have taken and will be taking the form of territorially based countercultures, occupying a given space to cut themselves off from the outside world., hopeless of being able to transform the society they refuse" (480). The new movements became extremely active in order to send a clear message of the wants and needs.
Castells compares the new and the old within the urban structure, as a dichotomous relationship. He says, "The occupation of urban space by the new poverty and the new marginality takes two forms: the tolerated ghettoes where marginalized people are permitted to stay, out of sight of the mainstream society; the open presence in the core area of cities of 'street people' , a risky strategy , but at the same time a survival technique since only there do they exist, an thus only there can they relate to society, either looking for a chance or provoking a final blow" (481). This relationship demonstrates a new shift, one that has changed society permanently.
Please add comments to complete this entry!
Posted by Kari
Posted by Kari Johnson at 10:20 AM | Permalink | Add a Comment (0)
OBE#4 Space Flow's Influence Toward the Dual City
OBE #4 Space Flow’s Influence towards a Dual City (revised)
My particular interest on space flow is how capitalists’ use information technology to further disconnect socio-economic classes. It took me a bit to conceptualize “space flow” and whether the term is positive or negative. In general society is extremely fortunate that information technologies ease communication mobility. That said, the technical use of information is expensive and supports capitalist power used to further isolates social classes. Webber and Castells agree we’re living in an information era that no longer relies on urban spatial settings to produce affluent communities. The paradox of space flow is that it inspires communication creating multicultural friendly environments which is great, but it also instigates a dual city of separate social classes. Space flow is rapidly impacting society due to the increase of capitalist power and the extinction of social mobility. The technological revolution threatens social mobility by abusing information and as Castell says is, “polarizing social groups according to their skills.” (481) Societal isolation through space flow is made possible when a select few choose the direction for the technologically driven global economy. As information technology continues to develop we may be entering the age of exploitation in the purest Marxian form. This information era is basically just a progressive overrepresentation of previous nodal capitalist societies. Like Webber explains, “Large metropolitan centers that used to be primarily goods-producing loci have become interchangeable junctions within the international communications networks.” (473) The difference is that today the power is far more concentrated and information technology is producing constant corporate intercourse.
It’s hardly a secret that businesses create social bonds to sustain economic prestige however these globe trotting hooligans are using space flow that puts society at risk for becoming a“duel cities.” For one, space flow eases the ability to outsource production with minimal workers. Information technology also encourages capitalists to reach an extensive market to universally exploit. The point Castells is trying to make is that using technology is shrinking the working class by dissipating the job market meanwhile increasing institutional relationships. It’s great that businesses can flourish through technological advances such as email, video conferencing or simple cell phone use and attract international relations. The problem is that “Only a minority of people are truly integrated into the global economy and the entire dominant economic and political centre’s are concentrated networks” (478) The reason we’re headed towards a duel city is because space flow makes institutional intercourse effortless and simplifies capitalists’ search of new markets to exploit at a faster pace then previous generations.
Castell and Webber argue that we’re headed towards a duel city is due to the increase of polarizing capital harmony that’s concentrating all the wealth, technology and power. “As levels of education and skill rise, more and more people are being tied into the spatially extensive communities that used to only engage a few.” (473)
Webber argues that information technology, or space flow, changes the structure in traditional cosmopolitan areas because capital powers are not bond to a physical city. It’s becoming increasingly less significant for companies to geographically locate their business to target a specific market because they can reach an international crowd through virtual technology.
Posted by Valerie at 06:06 PM | Permalink | Add a Comment (2)
Comments
Nice work on the castells and Webber Valarie. I would agree that outsourcing is one of the major concerns that Castells is talking about, although I’m not sure that he would be as quick to say that outsourcing is bad in and of itself. The problem with the space of flows according to Castells, at least as I read him, is that they have become too powerful, thus leaving cities in a prime position to reclaim some of the power that the global economy has wrested from the nation-state – in other words, to mediate between the space of flows and the space of places.
Posted by: greg | March 27, 2007 12:03 AM
Do you think space flow or outsourcing is causal for poverty?
Posted by: Anonymous | March 27, 2007 02:01 PM
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